When we speak of government, we refer, mainly, to the Executive branch. It may sound preposterous, yet the sequence of events tell us that the government’s initial responses to the November 23rd massacre of 57 people in Maguindanao have followed the people’s immediate reactions – shock and disbelief!

We begin with news from the grapevine that began to be distributed through text-messaging at about 10:30 am of that fateful day.

The text messages – in various versions – announced the tragedy as it unfolded.

It began with the news that the Mangudadatu convoy on the way to the provincial capitol was stopped by the PNP [Philippine National Police] and CVOs [Civilian Volunteer Organizations] under Ampatuan Jr. in Barangay Salman within the Ampatuan municipality.

A second text message later said that the victims were women of the Mangudadatu clan, including Ismael “Toto” Mangudadatu’s wife, Bai Genalyn, his two sisters, and the journalists and women lawyers.
Reports from the grapevine also said that one car at the tail end of the convoy was able to make a sudden U-turn and sped toward municipality of Esperanza to report the incident and seek immediate assistance.

But the tragedy was that the urgent assistance sought for was NOT arriving despite the proximity of the AFP [Armed Forces of the Philippines] checkpoints and the headquarters of the 601st Brigade, just a half hour and one hour away respectively, from the scene.

There was an SOS call from the Mangudadatu clan, but the immediate intervention to save lives of the entire convoy – including vehicles that were merely passing by – was not arriving.

On that fateful day, in a mysterious way, there was NOT a single helicopter in Awang Airport, the home of the 6th Infantry Division and the Philippine Air Force.

It all looked rather odd since on ordinary days, there would be two to four helicopters in the said airport.

Awang is the ‘frontline and forward’ airfield in the war against MILF [Moro Islamic Liberation Front] and the so-called renegade commander, Ustadz Amelil Ombra aka Commander Kato.

The Mangudadatus had to reportedly seek the assistance of their kin, the Mangudadatus of Sultan Kudarat province, for personnel and a helicopter to reach the place now known as the ‘mass graveyards’ prepared for the entire convoy.

Reports from the grapevine also indicate that the perpetrators reportedly scampered away without finishing the ‘burial’ of other victims. They reportedly thought that the incoming helicopter belonged to the AFP and flew in from Awang airfield.

Since the helicopter came rather late, the entire convoy was murdered.

There were 21 bodies sprawled on the ground and the rest of the victims and their vehicles were already ‘backhoed’ and buried in three common pits.

The ground troops reportedly arrived about 3 hours after the killing, so people say.

One of the reports had it that President Arroyo herself asked when briefed of the massacre why there was a delay of ‘four hours’ before the ground troops could go to the massacre scene.

The perpetrators, including the provincial PNP leadership, were reportedly identified by the victims and some witnesses.

Defense officials arrive at the scene, receive massacre briefing

On Day 2, November 24th, the ‘bigwigs’ of Imperial Manila from the Deparments of National Defense (DND), Interior and Local Governments (DILG), the PNP, and the AFP arrived at the scene as the horror of the massacre unfolded.

Officials were then briefed by the AFP at the 601st Brigade Headquarters, located in Tacurong City, about an hour and a half away from the massacre scene.

During the briefing, the Mangudadatus saw some of the ‘bigwigs’ to narrate their version of the massacre.

The massacre involved and ally of the President, the powerful Ampatuan family. The Mangudadatus and witnesses identified Datu Andal Ampatuan Jr. as the leader.

The government then decided to assign Secretary Jesus Dureza, the Presidential Adviser for Mindanao Affairs, to head a task force to talk to the Ampatuan clan.

He was told that Ampatuan Jr. would be willing to submit himself to due process.

On Day 3, November 25th, the Ampatuan clan ‘surrendered’ Ampatuan Jr. to Dureza for inquest proceeding by the Justice Secretary Agnes Devanadera in General Santos City.

From there, the younger Ampatuan was flown to Manila and detained in a cell at the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI).

Day 4, November 26th, after Ampatuan Jr.’s ‘detention,’ the government declared a state of emergency in Maguindanao province of Sultan Kudarat and Cotabato City.

The Provincial PNP, the Shariff Aguak police chief, and other police officers reportedly involved in the massacre, were relieved and placed under preventive suspension.

Military checkpoints were then deployed along the highways and at the entry and exit of Cotabato City.

Overnight, firearms disappeared in public, including those in Cotabato City.

‘Toy guns’ collected, AFP commanders relieved of posts

On Day 5, 26th November, the state of emergency proclamation was followed by a show of ‘collecting’ the ‘toy guns,’ World War II vintage M1 Garand and M1 Carbine rifles which prompted people to wonder “where the real guns were.”

The area’s top two AFP commanders were also relieved after the state of emergency declaration. They were Major Gen. Alfredo Cayton of the 6th Infantry Division and Col. Medardo Jeslani of the 601st Brigade who both had operational control of the area.

Similarly, military personnel in the area were also relieved and new soldiers from other brigades and battalions were deployed in the area.

On Day 6, the 27th of November, the media reported that the Department of Justice (DOJ) placed eight members of the Ampatuan clan in the Bureau of Immigration’s ‘watch list’ since they will be invited for the massacre investigation.

The list includes the Maguindanao Governor Andal Ampatuan Sr., Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao Gov. Zaldy Ampatuan, Nords Ampatuan, Akmad Ampatuan, Saudi Ampatuan Jr., Bahnarian Ampatuan, Sajid Islam Ampatuan, and Akmad “Tato” Ampatuan.

On November 28th, seven days after the massacre, the DOJ filed a multiple murder charge against Ampatuan Jr. and several ‘John Does.’

DILG Secretary Puno was designated to supervise all the LGUs [local government units] within the ARMM [Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao] and if need be ‘suspend’ local officials involved in the massacre.

He was also tasked to designate ‘officers in charge’ or administrators to take the place of the suspended local officials.

There were so many uncertainties on the ground from the first day and people were wondering what would be the next move.

The government through Sec. Dureza spoke of ‘plan of actions’ that would unfold in the coming days.

The ‘climax’ of the said action plan came on the early morning of December 5th though the grapevine was already abuzz about the impending Martial Law on the evening of the 4th.

Lt. Gen. Raymundo Ferrer, a military officer known for his peace advocacy and good relations with Civil Society Organizations, was designated as the ‘decent’ face of the Martial Law in Maguindanao.

The declaration was followed by entry into the premises and ‘houses’ of the Ampatuans, the ‘invitations’ of the leading members of the clan for investigation, and the collection of real arms, referring to M14, M16, M60, and M40 and a cache of ammunitions bearing the DND markings.

The declaration of Martial Law in Maguindanao province was met with mixed emotions.

Some welcome it with exhilaration, believing that extraordinary means are needed to meet the extraordinary realities in the province, particularly the warlords’ tight grip over the people and government, including offices of the Commission of the Elections (Comelec) and the PNP.

Others would like to observe its effectiveness in restoring the rule of law and peace and order in the province with watchful eye.

They believe that Proclamation 1959 under the 1987 Constitution is a different animal from Proclamation 1081 under the 1973 Constitution.

Though 1959 and 1081 may have the same sound bytes, they are essentially different as the former is strictly regulated with defined parameters by the Constitution.

Still, others feel that realities on the ground do not warrant Martial Law and that a government with political will can decisively act on the massacre’s perpetrators.

The suspicion is basically grounded on the fear of a ‘creeping’ Martial Law that may eventually spread throughout the country.

The other basis for fear is the trust deficit of President Gloria Arroyo.

In a recent conversation regarding Maguindanao realities, what has emerged are two viewpoints – the bird’s eye view and that of the frog’s.

The former is from the top or from Imperial Manila and the latter is from the ground.

The Supreme Court will soon decide on the merit of the Martial law in Maguindanao.

I believe that people, including the SC should seriously consider not only the text of the Constitution nor the views of solely of Imperial Manila – a sort of the bird’s eye view.

Fears, perceptions, and realities on the ground must be factor in the decision, also known as the frog’s eye view!

Both views are two factors that need to be considered in ruling on the merits of the Maguindanao Martial Law proclamation.

For most people in the province, the basic question is whether Martial Law in Maguindanao can

- Dismantle all structures of warlordism in Maguindanao;
- Implement a total ban on the public display firearms as well as the seizure of all illegal firearms;
- A halt to all forms of lawlessness committed with impunity in the province;
- Make all LGUs and courts systems in situ work; and
- Restore the rule of law in the province.

The people are desperate and are gripped by their collective fear. They beg for desperate solutions!

The Maguindanao massacre brought to the fore the issue of ‘warlodism’ in Muslim Mindanao.

Warlordism in the Philippines, especially in Muslim Mindanao, is primarily based on a feudal system that continues to characterize the power relations not only between clans and families but also between the central power (Manila) and the periphery.

Warlordism is often associated with two major issues. The first issue involves the control over the machineries of the state that includes the security sectors (PNP and the AFP). The second issue is about lawlessness with impunity.

The ‘warlords’ are sort of ‘sui generis’ – ‘the rule of law’ is understood as the execution of their whims and caprices.

The traditional basis of the power of the warlords had been their ancestry to royalty, whether perceived or real.

The Datus, in times past, would hold sway over their ‘sakop’ in a typical feudal structure known in medieval times.

In modern times, the power basis of the warlords is no longer measured by the blood ancestry but by the actual ‘connection’ of the warlords to the all powerful Presidency of the Republic.

People cite the infamous three “Gs” – guns, goons, and gold – in the making of the warlords.

But the sad tragedy is that these three “Gs” are government’s ‘properties’.

Take guns.

A local warlord who is properly ‘connected’ would have unlimited access to firearms as the government’s courtesy in the fight against insurgency.

The second ‘G’ refers to goons, which have many faces on the ground.

Some belong to the Philippine National Police (PNP) while others come from the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).

Others also belong to so-called civilian volunteer organizations (CVOs) subsumed under local government units or the Cafgus [Civilian Auxiliary Forces Geographical Units] under the AFP.

Again, the ‘proper’ connection to power in Malacañang spells unlimited access to ‘goons,’ some of whom incidentally wear uniforms of the state’s security forces.

The third ‘G’ stands for gold, which also comes in many forms.

In many areas in Mindanao, particularly in the ARMM [Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao] where accountability and transparency are almost nil, the internal revenue allocation or IRA is the unlimited source of gold.

In other places, drugs and numbers game have, of late, been also lucrative sources of gold.

Many actually opine that the war against drugs and illegal gambling is a big joke in this country, particularly in the ARMM, when politicians and law enforcers are perceived to be the real ‘operators’.

Under the present dispensation, particularly in the ARMM, people speak in whisper of yet another ‘G’.

That fourth ‘G’ refers to Gloria or President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

The ‘unlimited’ access to this fourth ‘G’ is the all that distinguishes the small time ‘warlord’ to a paramount warlord of a province or a the entire region.

In Maguindanao, as in other provinces of the ARMM, the ‘rule’ over areas or territories is closely linked to families and clans.

To cite a few examples, there is the Ampatuan clan that is recognized as the ‘ruler’ in the former municipality Maganoy that is now subdivided into four municipalities (Aguak, Unsay, Mamasapano, and Hofer).

There is the Mangudadatu clan that is a recognized ruler of the former municipality of Buluan in Maguindanao and the Municipalities of Lutuyan and Palembang in Sultan Kudarat or the territories around the Lake of Buluan.

The more familiar clans that are similarly situated are the Sinsuats in the former Dinaig, the Matalams in the former Pagalungan, the Midtimbangs in the former Talayan, the Masturas in the former Nuling, and the Tomawis-Aratuc families in the Iranon towns of Barira and Buldon.

They are all rulers by rights and blood in their traditional ‘domain’ or fiefdom.

These ‘rulers’ enjoy both the authority of traditions (agama and customary law) and the state laws, because they are the ‘elected’ local officials in their own domain.

The rise of a paramount ‘warlord’ does not come often.

Usually, the rise and fall of a paramount warlord depended on the whims and caprices of the real paramount LORD that resides along the Pasig River.

The Ampatuan clan was able to venture outside their traditional ‘domain’ (Maganoy) with the ‘blessing’ of the paramount LORD in Malacañang.

Datu Andal Ampatuan, Sr. was already the ‘ruler’ of Maganoy during the time of Ferdinand Marcos.

President Cory Aquino in 1986 removed him from office and deprived him of access to the security forces of the state after EDSA 1.

But in the first election under the 1987 Constitution, Datu Andal Sr. became the undisputed Mayor of Maganoy.

His rival, Datu Surab Abutazil, also of the Ampatuan clan, was assassinated in broad daylight in a cafeteria right in the market place of Maganoy.

Mayor Andal was charged for the murder of Datu Surab but later the case was dismissed for lack of witnesses.

The turning point for the Ampatuan clan happened during the 2001 local elections.

With the full support of the PNP and the AFP, Datu Andal had beaten the incumbent Maguindanao Governor and the 1st ARMM Governor, Zacaria Candao.

The decision to shift support to Datu Andal was the perception that Gov. Candao was MILF or sympathetic to the MILF.

Datu Andal became the ‘avid’ supporter of President Gloria in her decision to run for the Presidency in 2004.

He “delivered” the whole province to Gloria against the more popular Fernando Poe, Jr.

This electoral ‘feat’ made Datu Andal the new ‘anointed’ one not only for the province but also for the entire ARMM.

It was no accident in 2005, when the Ampatuan made a run for the head ‘honcho’ of the ARMM.

It was an invitation to the government and President Gloria to shift to a more ‘manageable and predictable overseer’ over the ARMM after almost nine years of disarray under the rule of the MNLF (more than five years under Nur Misuari and 3 years under Parouk Hussin).

With the ARMM falling into the hands of the Ampatuan clan and under the total patronage of Malacañang, the hold of the clan over the ARMM and Maguindanao has become undisputed.

It is a steady and phenomenal rise to almost absolute power.

The last known paramount Lord of the Cotabato Empire province was Datu Udtog Matalam in the 50’s and early 60’s.

During the 2007 elections, the Ampatuan clan had proven, beyond doubt, their complete control of all government machineries including the Commission on Elections and the security forces in the area by the delivery a 12-0 results in the senatorial slate for the administration.

This was also mirrored in the ‘no contest’ election in the province.

From the provincial slate to the municipal slate in 30 towns in Maguindanao out of 32, all the positions were not contested.

In the past, the national government was the ‘check and balance’ vis-a-vis local warlords.

The government in Manila made sure that the warlord’s control remains within his family or clan domain.

Even during the height of martial law, President Marcos made sure that no one family or clan dominated the whole region.

This equation has changed completely during the Presidency of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo following the 2004 national elections.

There evolved a sort of symbiosis in the political agenda between the central government and the Ampatuan clan gaining control over the province of Maguindanao and the ARMM.

The shifting national politics after the death of President Cory begins to impact the local politics.

Malacañang is no longer seen as the power that makes or unmakes local leaders.

In fact, this is the first crack in the hold of the Ampatuan clan over the province. This is further exacerbated by the fact that the Sr. Ampatuan CANNOT run anymore for the top post.

On the other hand, the Mangudadatu clan is telling the new emerging national leaders that the time has come for new ‘stewards’ in the province.

New political alliances begin to take shape in the province, when the Mangudadatu clan made known their intention to challenge the younger Ampatuan for the gubernatorial post.

These were the actual arrangements in the political chess board when the Massacre occurred in the Province of Maguindanao that fateful morning of the 23rd of November 2009.

November 23rd is now etched in the history of the province as the day of shameless ignominy.

On that day, a convoy of women of the Mangudadatu clan accompanied by media people and their women lawyers headed for the provincial capitol in Sharif Aguak municipality was stopped by forces of the Philippine National Police.

These police forces were accompanied by hundreds of armed civilian volunteer organizations (under the command of the PNP) along the national highway in Ampatuan municipality.

The convoy was instructed to take the farm road leading to a deep hole meant to be the mass grave of the entire convoy members, including occupants of other vehicles that happened to follow the convoy.

I am beginning to piece the story of the tragic massacre.

It all began about three weeks ago with a Commission on Elections (Comelec) Resolution directing the transfer of the Comelec Satellite Office from Cotabato City to the Provincial Capitol in Maguindanao.

Then another resolution was issued, this time directing all candidates in the province to file their certificates of candidacy at the provincial ‘capitol.’

These resolutions looked innocent when read and seen outside the provincial’s concrete political context.

Anyone in the place knows that the said resolutions follow the logic of the local politics and the control over the Comelec on the ground.

Comelec cannot feign ignorance of these realities nor washes its hands in the ensuing massacre in Maguindanao.

The concrete experiences of 2004 and 2007 elections and the participation of Comelec in the province are too gross to ignore.

There is a reason and definitely politics in the physical shifting ‘capitol’ sites in the province. There is a need to locate the ‘capitol’ in a place to ensure total control.

For this reason, Maguindanao can qualify to put the capitol building on wheels.

It began in Cotabato City; then Datu Udtog moved it to Pagalungan; post-Datu Udtog, it was moved back to Cotabato City; then it was moved to Maganoy (Sharif Aguak); Zacaria Candao moved it back to Cotabato City; then he moved it to a new site in Sultan Kudarat.

The Ampatuan moved the ‘capitol’ back to Maganoy where it now stands.

The total control of the capitol ensures absolute control over all government machineries in the capitol site, including the Comelec, the PNP, and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).

Months ago, the buzz in the province and in Cotabato City has been the looming political contest between the Ampatuan clan, the present unquestioned ruler of the province and the ARMM (Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao), and the Mangudadatu clan.

Everybody in town is actually surprised by this challenge coming from the four Mangudadatu young, daring, and dazzling brothers (two mayors, one vice mayor and one assemblyman of the Regional Assembly of the ARMM).

The leader of the clan and the main challenger is the present Vice Mayor of Buluan, Datu Ismael ‘Toto’ Mangudadatu.

The challenge came as a big surprise, because the Ampatuan clan is ‘intimately’ connected to President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and the Lakas-Kampi-CMD Party both in 2004 and 2007 national elections.

The convergence of the political and electoral agenda of President Arroyo and the Ampatuans is well known both in the national and local levels.

The challenge emerged when talks that the ‘senior’ Ampatuan is no longer qualified to run as governor of the province.

The name of the ‘junior’ Ampatuan has begun to surface as the clan bet for who they thought would run for the uncontested governorship in the province come May 2010.

This development sparked talks and counter-talks of contesting the governorship, which led to shifting political alliances, especially with the waning of the star of Malacañang and her official candidates.

The relations between President Arroyo and the Ampatuans hinged on a symbiosis of political and electoral interests and as demonstrated by the clan’s ‘outstanding’ delivery capacity in all electoral exercises held in the province of Maguindanao.

When we speak of captive electorate, I refer to ‘managed’ and ‘owned’ elections.

Political parties and candidates also refer to the entire ARMM as ‘captive’ electorate. This is not a simple perception but the ‘actual ballot’ counts’ attest to this ‘winner take all’ elections.

This fact is known also to the Comelec.

No doubt, if electoral anomalies happen, the people who manage and secure the elections are equally controlled.

In most instances, the teachers and officials of the Comelec, including the PNP have little or no choices at all.

Their lives and their families, as well, are in jeopardy.

The Comelec resolution transferring its satellite office in Sharif Aguak and the requirement to file the certificates of candidacy in the ‘capitol’ is NOT as innocent as it looks unless Comelec were born yesterday!

This Comelec decision has forced the Mangudadatu to go into the heartland of the Ampatuan clan.

The Vice Mayor Toto Mangudadatu decided to go and file his certificate of candidacy.

But he was prevailed upon by the mother to let the women do the filing.

The clan believed that Toto’s presence in Aguak may lead to actual bloodshed.

The mother and the religious leaders believed that an all-women delegation accompanied by media people and women lawyers would be respected.

Islam strongly enjoins believers to respect women and children even during times of war.

As a double insurance for the delegation, the Mangudadatu has asked for police escorts from the PNP Provincial command. It refused to do so.

Understanding the perceived partisanship of the Maguindanao PNP, the clan asked for military escort from the 601st Brigade that has an operational responsibility for area.

They were told that the AFP does not provide security escorts for politicians.

The clan appealed to the highest military command in the region for a security escort for the women.

They were assured by the highest military command that the ‘road is safe and there will be no need to worry.’

With that assurance, the all-women delegation began the trek to Sharif Aguak.

Upon crossing Salman along the national highway in broad daylight in Ampatuan municipality, the convoy was stopped, including other vehicles that happened to passing by at that time.

Their journey was halted by hundreds of armed groups believed to be CVOs [civilian volunteer organizations] that included some provincial PNP officials and a local mayor positively identified by the Mangudadatu.

The entire convoy was led to an open pit dug by provincial engineering equipment.

There the carnage began with brutality and no mercy for women, children, and the members of the media.

The last vehicle in the convoy, delayed by few minutes, saw the whole gang that stopped the convoy and made positive identification.

It turned back with speed and asked for help. But alas, the help came too late.

There were no survivors!

The first count was 21 fatalities in the afternoon of the same day. These were the bodies left on the ground and in the vehicles because of the haste.

The second day, the body count reached 46 as investigators began to dig the mass graves.

On the third day, the number has reached more than 60. They were all murdered with so much brutality that can only be compared to victims of savage animals in the wild.

The digging continues and the body counts continue to rise. The Mangudadatu can only account for 40 members of their convoy.

Beyond that number were innocent passersby who happened to be traveling the same road at that particular moment.

These innocent passersby include children!

They buried the whole vehicles with the murdered passengers.

Seemingly, the intent was to bury all the vehicles and all the victims in that big hole dug by the provincial ‘backhoe.’

But there was news that the troops were coming.

This made the perpetrators to hurriedly leave the scene without completing their evil intent.

Today, the people of Maguindanao and Cotabato City continue to be in a state of total disbelief whenever they hear news about the massacre as it continues to unfold.

They are stunned and shocked! The real word is feeling of revulsion for how things stand in the province and the community.

The Comelec has now allowed the filing of candidacy in Cotabato and in Sultan Kudarat without filing for an exception.

It has also returned the satellite office in the city.

Comelec shares the blame for this massacre.

Ignorance can never be an excuse! It is a very costly political decision!

Knowing the close ties between the President Arroyo and the Ampatuan, the Presidency and the national government are directly held accountable!

People ask, will there be immediate arrests of the identified perpetrators of the massacre?

Three days have passed by and there is not a single arrest made yet...! Will there be honest and objective investigation of the massacre?

While we debate over the massacre, the perpetrators and the hundreds of CVOs, bearing high-powered firearms, and identified leaders of the massacre roam freely and with impunity. Onli in da Pilipins!

The second week of October, Amina Rasul and I were in Washington DC to participate in an International Conference that included among others two former Prime Ministers (UK and Norway), Muftis, Ministers and people with right honorable and right reverend before their names.

We were there to bridge the imperatives of the historical document, Common Word, and actions.

It all started two years ago, when 138 Muslim scholars, prominent leaders, and learned men and women wrote a letter entitled “the Common Word between Us and You” addressed to all Christian leaders of the world.

The letter‘s title echoes a Quranic chapter with the same title.

It attempts to retrieve the prophetic exhortation in the midst of the vast gap and differences between Muslims and followers of the others books, specifically the Christians.

The love of God and the love of neighbors are the two unifying teachings of Islam and Christianity. These two great commandments should characterize the relationship between Muslims and Christians.

Yet, through the centuries, war, prejudices, discrimination, and intolerance have marred the relations between Islam and Christianity.

The letter echoes the refreshing spirit of the second Vatican Ecumenical Council that exhorts all to forget and forgive each other and become partners as we journey forward in shaping a new world.

In the Philippines, particularly in the South, the interreligious gap and misunderstanding has a long history.

It dates back from the period of colonialism when the Philippines was annexed by Spain in the 16th century and later by the US at the turn of the 1900.

The period during the American period was also characterized by war, only this time, by military victory that put an end to the once powerful Sultanates in Mindanao and their annexation to the Philippines.

This annexation paved the way for the programs of pacification and assimilation which included among others the opening of Mindanao for migration from the Luzon and the Visayas.

These historical facts have given rise to three significant realities that continue to haunt Muslim-Christian relations in the Philippines, even today. To wit:

1. The lingering suspicion and lack of trust that continue to characterize the relations between Christians and Muslims;

2. The sense of injustice on the part of the Bangsamoro and the Indigenous peoples for their lost ancestral domain. After years of migration, they have found themselves a minority in their traditional homeland. The Muslims are now majority only in five provinces out of the 24 in Mindanao; and

3. Poverty and neglect that led to, among others, the highest in mortality, illiteracy rate, lowest in access to basic services, especially health and education.

This context calls for an urgent new interface of Christianity and Islam in the Philippines.

The ‘interface’ or ‘dialogue’ would distance the face of our faith traditions from the stereotypes of rebels/terrorists, on the one hand and oppressors and the government troops as army of occupation, on the other.

In the early 70’s, Christians and Muslims of goodwill, specifically bishops, ‘ulama, priest and lay leaders stood for justice and respect for human rights even during the height of battles between the Philippine regular army and the Moro National liberation Front.

The provinces of Cotabato and Sulu, the lands of many battles, have witnessed examples of solidarity of people of goodwill from Christianity and Islam who continued to stand for justice and human rights.

The first association of Christian-Muslim Religious Leaders in Mindanao began in 1973 few months after the declaration of Martial law.

Then following the Peace Agreement in 1976, a more formal national conference involving leaders of Catholics, Protestants, and Muslims began to address the problems of the South and to bring these issues to the attention of the national government.

Again, following the 1996 Final Peace between the Philippine Government and the Moro national Liberation, the Bishop-Ulama Forum was formed to support the peace process in the Southern Philippines and the implementation of the said accord.

Interreligious dialogue has a particular and peculiar history in the Philippines both in the local and national level given the situation of the war in Southern Philippines.

In this light, the ‘Common Word’ becomes an invitation to all people of goodwill to set aside the prejudices and hostilities of the past and venture into anew relationship based on the love of God and love of neighbor.

I wish to echo the late Pope John Paul II’s message in Damascus at the Great Umayyad Mosque in Damascus, 6 May 2001.

“It is my ardent hope that Muslim and Christian religious leaders and teachers will present our two great religious communities as COMMUNITIES IN RESPECTFUL DIALOGUE, NEVER MORE AS COMMUNITIES IN CONFLICT.

“It is crucial for the young to be taught the ways of respect and understanding, so that they will not be led to misuse religion itself to promote or justify hatred and violence. Violence destroys the image of the Creator in his creatures, and should never be considered as the fruit of religious conviction.”

In the letter, the ‘Common Word’, the Quranic verse on tolerance is quoted: “Had God willed He could have made you one community. But that He may try you by that which He hath given you (He hath made you as ye are). So vie one with another in good works. “Unto God ye will all return, and He will then inform you of that wherein ye differ” (Al-Ma’idah, S. 5:48).

In time, this letter can create an opening and a greater convergence on the more delicate issues of religious freedom, the absolute value of human rights, the relationship between religions and society and the use of violence.

These are the current issues that worry all believers in our world today.

All UN member states are meeting in New York this month to discuss security and disarmament.

Members of International Arms Network on Small Arms (Iansa), the global movement against gun violence, are campaigning for a treaty that will ban transfers of arms or ammunition if they will:

+ be used for serious violations of human rights or war crimes;
+ undermine development or involve corruption;
+ provoke or worsen armed conflict;
+ contribute to violent crime; and
+ risk being diverted into acts of terrorism

The decision of the United States to join the negotiations for a comprehensive Arms Trade Treaty was welcomed this week by campaigners against gun violence.

Hillary Clinton, US Secretary of State, announced that the US is committed to “actively pursuing a strong and robust treaty” containing “the highest possible, legally-binding standards for the international transfer of conventional weapons.”

This is a major policy reversal.

The previous US administration consistently opposed the effort to create a treaty.

“The US decision to support strong global controls on the arms trade is great news for countries in Asia like the Philippines where arms proliferate,” said Jasmin Nario-Galace, member of the Philippine Action Network on Small Arms (Philansa).

No doubt, the proliferation of arms in the Philippines, particularly in Southern Mindanao contributes greatly to the rates of injury and death, human rights, and international humanitarian law violations as well as armed conflicts.

Philansa believes that the sale and supply of small arms and ammunition must be strictly controlled.

States should pursue an arms trade treaty that would require the refusal of transfers when there is a clear risk that the arms will intensify armed conflicts and derail development initiatives.

The shift of US policy on small arms as articulated by Hilary Clinton is great news and a fresh wind for campaigners across the world.

The US is the world’s largest arms exporter. To read Hillary Clinton’s statement, please click here.

In the Philippines, the campaign on the control of small arms is lead by Philansa.

It is a network of 14 organizations and networks across the Philippines. They all work to address the complex issue of supply and control of small arms in the country.

Philansa is a member of Iansa, the global network that addresses the proliferation of small arms and it leads the campaign at the UN for an International Treaty on Small Arms.

The havoc of the uncontrolled sale and supply of small arms is deeply felt in conflict areas, particularly in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

In Southern Mindanao, violence and conflicts show their ugly faces in the form of widespread supply of small arms. Government troops, rebels, warlords, bandits, and terrorists have access to small arms beyond belief.

An international Treaty on Small Arms will, definitely, seek to control the transfer, sale and possession of small arms.

Over 90 percent of deaths in conflict areas are caused by small arms that include among others M 16 and M 14, the standard issue for combatants, warlords’ army and bandits, terrorists, and militias.

The staggering statistic of violent deaths related to small arms makes it imperative for all people of goodwill to muster their resources and capitalize on the new and fresh wind coming from Washington DC for a new push for intensive lobby on a comprehensive Arms Trade Treaty with strict enforcement standards at the level on the United Nations.

If you desire to join the campaign contact:

PHILANSA c/o Jasmin Galace on +63 906 465 2744
IANSA c/o Alastair McKay on +44 (0)20 7065 0870

By all standards, kidnapping is a heinous crime against humanity.

The recent abduction of Fr. Michael Sinnott of the Columban Fathers, once again, has accented the terror that the peoples of the Southern Philippines face daily.

No one is exempted and all religions condemn the crime. Why kidnapping pays and goes on with impunity is a mystery to all.

Yet, people believe that the crime is perpetrated by few people who continue to elude the law for years.

There are places in Southern Philippines that are prone to kidnapping. These places are identified.

Foreigners are not allowed to visit them and their respective embassies give them appropriate advisory.

Foreign missionaries are often told of this danger and the real possibility of kidnapping. Yet, their faith and their ‘mandate’ hold strong that their presence continues notwithstanding the danger.

With the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, I have, since 1996, counseled our major superior to pull out foreign missionaries from those identified places and assign them in relatively ‘safe’ places. Local missionaries are not exempt from kidnapping.

Who are the perpetrators of this crime?
They bear many and different names. The labels are a plenty. They identify them as ‘al Qaeda or Abu Sayyaf Groups (ASG) or Jama'a Islamiyya (JI) or Pentagon groups, etc.

They are, perhaps, few in number but the government's continued failure to stop kidnapping make people ask the hard question whether there are collusions between some government law enforces and lawless elements or between the kidnappers and the liberation fronts.

To cite some examples, many believe that the leaders of the latest kidnapping of the ICRC are (or were one time) so-called 'assets' of the very people in charge of security and law enforcement in the area.

The government keeps declaring an all-out war against these lawless elements and keep claiming that their numbers are decimated yet kidnapping continues with impunity.

Since 1996, the government has estimated their numbers to be below 500. The all-out war against these criminals has been going on since 1996.

And there is no relief in sight.

The government appears impotent; the liberations fronts are mum about it; and the government security forces make bold claims with no results.

No doubt, kidnapping, killing and other lawlessness directly affect the Christian-Muslim relations, especially in building an atmosphere of trust which is the glue for any social cohesion required for any peace agreement in Southern Philippines.

The ordinary Muslims and Christians are against this lawlessness. They cannot understand why these crimes continue with impunity.

Both the Muslim and Christian inhabitants dream and aspire for a community without these crimes. The tragedy is when religion is cited as a reason for these crimes. No one shall kill or kidnap in the name of God!

These crimes are perpetrated by a few people and by people with agenda whether political or economic.

In times of crisis, kidnapping is a lucrative business. The going price for release of the kidnapped victims goes from one million to P15 million for the locals and one to five million US dollars for foreigners (meaning Caucasian).

People fear that as Election Day nears (May 2010), kidnapping can be lucrative source of campaign chess for some unscrupulous candidates.

Why some of the leaders of kidnapping become assets?

It is claimed that they become ‘informants’ for the so called international terrorists – peoples identified with the likes of al Qaeda or JI. This is one of the ‘accidental’ fruits of the big bounty placed by US government on the heads of the so called foreign terrorists. They become ‘assets’ with the objective of bagging the big bounty.

With payments of five million dollars or ten million dollars, who would not be tempted?

In the Southern Philippines, missionaries are open targets and foreign missionaries are more targets than their local counterparts.

The Oblates of Mary Immaculate who are assigned in Cotabato, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi have an ample share of martyrs in the last ten years in the Archipelago of Sulu.

Bishop Benjamin de Jesus was shot in front of the Jolo Cathedral in February 1998; Fr. Benjamin Innocencio was shot at the back of the Jolo Cathedral on Dec. 28, 2000, Fr. Reynaldo Roda, OMI was brutally murdered in Tabawan, Tawi-Tawi on January 14, 2008.

The Claretian Fathers has one martyr, Fr. Rhoel, in Basilan. The Italian Missionaries (PIME) has several missionaries kidnapped with Fr. Bossi being the last one (hopefully).

Fr. Michael Sinnott is the 3rd among the Columbans. The first attempt was with Fr. Rufus who resisted his kidnappers and shot in Malabang, Lanao del Sur. And the third one was the former Prelate of Marawi, Fr. Desmond Hartford.

The kidnapping will continue until the government and the liberation fronts decide, with seriousness and determination, to put an end to this tragic phenomenon.

I also believe that the government and the liberation fronts (MNLF and MILF) have the wherewithal to put an end to this crime and other lawlessness in Mindanao.

A no-nonsense LGU in place is a strong deterrence to kidnapping.

Here I will cite the case of the once notorious places of Buldon, Barira, and Matanog.

With strong and determined LGUs in place and with the help of both the government forces and the Liberations Fronts, peace has been established.

The three LGUs have also established a Council of Religious Leaders to mediate the family and clan feuds (rido) that often disturb the peace.

For quite sometime now, there has been no report of kidnapping in these areas. This only shows that kidnapping can be stopped!

Eph’pheta, that is, “Be Opened”! This phrase is taken from the Gospel of St. Mark.

“And they brought to him a man who was deaf
and had an impediment in his speech;
and they besought him to lay his hand on him.
And taking him aside from the multitude privately,
he put his fingers into his ears, and he spat and touched his tongue;
and looking up to heaven, he sighed, and said to him,
“Eph’phata”, that is, “Be opened.”
And his ears were opened, his tongue was released, and he spoke plainly.” (Mk. 7: 32-35)

In a plural society, a preferred trait toward a good neighborliness given the diversities of culture and education is OPENNESS.

This demands a basic openness of mind and heart to accept and respect our differences in faiths and cultures.

There are three basic attitudes that will help us walk this new path of openness. They are as follows:

The recognition that our life, future and destiny are intimately linked to each other.

No, we cannot espouse a politics of separatism, a culture of exclusivism, and nor can we act as sole proprietors of the land.

Second is to be open, that is, Eph’pheta/Iftah, to each other –learning not only from each other but more so to live and work as partners in shaping our common lives and destiny in peace, justice and care of the earth. Yes, we must not be afraid or hesitate to accept, to trust, and to work with each other as partners.

Third is our commitment and involvement in the promotion and guarantee of the rights and dignity of every person regardless of faith, gender, culture, and color within our society/community.

The basis of this commitment is our belief that all peoples even though they belong to different religions, nations, etc. form ONE human family, created by the ONE and same God, living in the same world/community, and destined for a common end.

For emphasis, I take a portion of the late Pope John Paul II’ s address at Casablanca Morocco on 18 August 1985.

“People do not accept their differences.
They do not know each other sufficiently.
They reject those who have not the same civilization.
They refuse to help each other.
They are unable to free themselves from egoism and from self-conceit.
But God created all equal in dignity,
Though different with regard to gifts and talents,
Mankind is a whole where each one has his/her part to play.
The worth of the various peoples and of the diverse cultures must be recognized.
The world is as it were a living organism.
Each one has something to receive from the others and has something to give to them.”

Pope John Paul II presented to the world his dream and hope for Christianity and Islam as they journey together into the new millennium.

In his last Addresses to Muslims and Christians in Syria at the Great Umayyad Mosque in Damascus on 6 May 2001, he said:

“It is my ardent hope that Muslim and Christian religious leaders and teachers will present our two great religious communities as COMMUNITIES IN RESPECTFUL DIALOGUE, NEVER MORE AS COMMUNITIES IN CONFLICT.”

It is crucial for the young to be taught the ways of respect and understanding, so that they will not be led to misuse religion itself to promote or justify hatred and violence.

Violence destroys the image of the Creator in his creatures, and should never be considered as the fruit of religious conviction.”

“Better mutual understanding will surely lead to a more objective and comprehensive knowledge of each other’s religious beliefs at the practical level, to a new way of presenting our two religions NOT IN OPPOSITION, as it happened too often in the past, BUT IN PARTNERSHIP FOR THE GOOD OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.”

Openness is NOT a universal element in human relations. It has to be slowly, patiently and sometimes painfully built through time.

To achieve peace in the Philippines, we must steadily school ourselves to prefer openness to fanaticism; trust to hostility; and respect to intolerance.

We begin by being living witnesses of this openness to each other by accepting and respecting our differences.

More than seventy years ago, the late missionary bishop Luis del Rosario, SJ heard of the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate that has been known in the Church as specialists in the most difficult missions.

The bishop was thinking of his frontier territories down south also known as the Moro Provinces – the empire province of Cotabato and there entire archipelago of Sulu.

This discovery prompted him to visit the OMI General House in Rome during his ad limina visit to the Holy Father. He spoke of the most difficult missions and the dangers of Cotabato and Sulu that melted the heart of the OMI Vicar General.

In 1939, the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate, or OMI for short, accepted the challenge to mission in Sulu and Cotabato (as big as the entire central Luzon).

The first batch of the OMI Missionaries arrived in Manila on the 25th September of the same year after more than 40 days of boat travel from New York.

The second batch arrived a month after. The 7 OMI pioneers coming from USA were only given a week to pack their bags and sail for the Philippines.

None of them knew where the Philippines was, thus after their talk with their superior, they scampered to the library to search for information about the Philippines.

The seven pioneers became legends in Cotabato and Sulu. They were Frs. Gerard Mongeau (Superior of the new Philippine Mission), Francis McSorley, George Dion, Emile Bolduc, Egide Beaudoin, Joseph Boyd and Cuthbert Billman.

In OMI history, these pioneers were also known as the ‘Magnificent 7’ of the OMI Mission in the Philippines.

Fr. Gerard Mongeau, who became the first bishop of the empire province of Cotabato and Sulu, became known not only for establishing parishes and Notre Dame Schools in the empire province of Cotabato but for his innovative social action projects and media ministry.

Fr. Francis McSorley became a friend of General Paulino Santos and together planned the settlement of South Cotabato.

Where General Santos established his new municipality, Fr. McSorley established the parish and the school.

And later when Fr. McSorley became the first bishop of Sulu and Tawi-Tawi, he began his deep friendship with Moro leaders and developed the Notre Dame College of Jolo as first rate tertiary education for the Muslims.

Fr. George Dion, who also became bishop of Sulu, was associated with the first Catholic commercial broadcast media in the Philippines. His name was so much linked to DXMS (Cotabato), DXND (Kidapawan), DXMM (Jolo) and DXGD (Bongao). He also became director of Radio Veritas.

Fr. Cuthbert Billman was the writer in the group.

He immediately got involved in the National Catholic Paper, the Sentinel, and Commonweal.

He was responsible for the training of young journalists, the likes of Max Soliven, Emil Jurado, and Nelly Sindayen. These journalists were so well trained that they, too, got Fr. Cuthy’s mannerism and colorful expletives.

Fr. Billman was the founder of the first local newspaper in Mindanao, the Mindanao Cross that began printing in 1948, and the Sulu Star.

Fr. Joseph Boyd was the great liaison and procure man for the mission. He stayed in the Diocese of Manila and became a close friend to Archbishop Michael O’Doherty and his young Secretary, Mons. Rufino Santos.

Fr. Boyd was able to secure the pastoral responsibility from the Diocese of the former ‘friar’ land called Grace Park (a name taken from the Archbishop’s title, ‘His Grace’) north of Manila.

Fr. Emile Bolduc became the first Oblate Pastor in Sulu. He became famous not for his construction and projects but for his prayer life and spirituality.

He also became pastor in Grace Park and from there moved to the OMI Novitiate to become the towering symbol of religious and missionary life to young Filipino Oblates in formation.

At his funeral, Archbishop Mongeau gave credit to Fr. Bolduc for the success and the achievements of the OMI missions in Cotabato and Sulu. To the pioneers, Fr. Bolduc was the soul of the mission through his prayers and hours before the Blessed Sacrament.

There was not much said about the 7th pioneer, Fr. Egide Beaudoin.

He became the first Oblate Pastor in the whole territory now known as North Cotabato based in Midsayap. All the pioneers were interned at the UST Concentration Camp throughout World War II until the liberation of Manila in 1946. The harsh conditions of the concentration camp wrought havoc to his health that he had to go back to the US for recuperation.

They were actually three waves of OMI pioneers to mission in Cotabato and Sulu.

The first wave arrived in September and October 1939.

The second wave of seven came a year after in September 1940 (Frs. George Baynes, Edward Gordon, Emile Laquerre, Joseph Quinn, John Sheehan, Paul Drone and Bro. Michael Braun).

The third and last wave of pioneers consisted of four OMIs from the US Irish Province, and arrived in September 1941, few months before the bombing of Pearl Harbor (Frs. James Burke, Edward McMahon, Robert Sullivan & Bernard Clancy).

Not much credit and focus were given to the second and third waves and their names are hardly remembered yet they, too, were giants in the missions in Sulu and Cotabato.

In fact, the first blood shed for the mission belonged to these last two waves. Frs. Paul Drone, Edward McMahon and Bro. Michael Braun were beheaded by the Japanese during the war.

Seventy years ago, the Oblates of Mary Immaculate dared to accept the Church mission in Cotabato and Sulu. Through the years, the OMI’s have never been lacking in courage and generosity in building these frontier territories.

They have become all sorts to all people – builders, carpenters, farmers, educators, pastors and peacemakers.

The OMI Mission in 1939 has now become a robust Province that sends missionaries to Japan, Thailand, Korea, and China in Asia; Bolivia and Argentina in Latin America; and Canada and US in North America.

The OMIs have had their share of martyrs in their 70 years in the Philippines. The first martyr was election-related.

Fr. Nelson Javellana and his volunteers of the first Philippine movement for clean elections were ambushed near Tambunan, Cotabato on November 3, 1970.

Three martyrs shed their blood in Sulu and Tawi-Tawi – Bishop Benjamin de Jesus on February 4th, 1997, Fr. Benjamin Inocencio on December 28th, 2000 and Fr. Jesus Reynaldo Roda on January 15th, 2008.

Though painful and sorrowful, the OMIs take pride in their martyrs who paid the ultimate price for the values and beliefs close to their hearts.

They were not brave men, but because of the love for their people and the trust in God, they were able to muster enough courage to silence the fears in their hearts.

Today, as the OMIs celebrate the 70th anniversary of their presence in the Philippines, specifically in the remote islands of Sulu and Tawi-Tawi archipelago, they recognize their mission partners and friends as they look back with thanksgiving for what God has wrought through their various ministries.

They pray that God will continue to journey with them as they dare to move forward.

Everybody is gearing up for the resumption of the peace talks between the GRP and the MILF. Some say that the talks will take place the week post Ramadhan or early October.

Whichever is the case, the people on the ground are watching for signals of the impending resumption with renewed hope as they await eagerly for this to take place soon.

There are several questions they would like to ask on the eve of this impending resumption of peace talks.
The first question is the issue of the Internally Displaced Persons (IDP).

While the SOMO [Suspension of Military Operations] and the SOMA [Suspension of Military Action] generally hold and the IDPs are relatively experiencing ‘peace,’ the primary question behind their minds is the rebuilding of their homes and livelihood in places of their origin.

No doubt, most of the temporary shelters provided by multi-donors during the crisis look much better than the homes destroyed or abandoned in their remote places. Yet, the critical issue is livelihood.

Their continued stay in the ‘temporary’ settlement areas means that their agricultural farms are abandoned.

They can go back to the places of origin when ‘peace’ is more or less ensured by the two protagonists in the peace talks.

Some had sold their working animals and rebuilding their livelihood and homes would take a lot of assistance and assurance both from the LGU and military.

But in the long run, the return to their farmlands will be the preferable option to remaining in the temporary shelter located along the national highways or in new semi-urbanized towns.

The former would mean literally rebuilding their homes and farm, while the latter would mean continued dependence on aid and become the new ‘urban poor’ in these town centers that provided the ‘temporary shelters.’

The second major question is directly addressed to the conduct of the peace process.

The people continue to ask whether with the resumption of the peace talks, there will be guarantees for transparency, consultation, and accountability.

The three major stakeholders – the LGUs, the IPs, and the private sector – raise the issue of more than transparency and consultation but participation in the peace process.

The lessons of the MOA-AD had been traumatic experience for them that they are on ‘guard’ and they will measure the peace process on the basis of the above.

The present Chair of the GRP Peace panel negotiating gives the assurance of transparency and consultations, particularly of the LGUs and the IPs within the territorial coverage of the talks.

In fact, Ambassador Rafael Seguis has been visiting and holding talks with the governors and the mayors of the affected provinces and cities, including the leadership of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.

With the various consultations, round table discussions, and focus group discussions on the ground, both the GRP and the other stakeholders, including the MILF and the MNLF may, hopefully, get the real pulse of the people whom they all claim to represent.

The third question post MOA-AD is the ‘magic’ formula that may shape the relations between the Bangsamoro and the national government without ‘walking’ through the constitutional ‘flaws’ enumerated in Supreme Court Decision.

While all these concerns may sound legalistic, the real crux of the matter is the willingness of the major stakeholders in Mindanao and in the national level to agree to a formula that is based on TRUST and on our cherished principles and values.
I consciously put the word ‘magic’ to the formula to describe the paradigm of modus vivendi for Muslims, Christians, and Indigenous peoples.

There is, yet another difficulty in arriving at the said ‘magic formula’ and that is the issue of a common platform for the various ‘gate keepers’ of the Bangsamoro people.

The three more prominent claimants to speak for and in behalf of the Bangsamoro peoples are the MNLF, the MILF, and the traditional leaders who now have almost complete control of the LGUs in places where the Muslims are the majority population.

Some of my friends do tease me that the search for such a ‘magic formula’ is akin to the search of the Golden Fleece.

The fourth question is the issue of facilitator of the peace process.

Malaysia is the present ‘facilitator’ of the peace talks between the GRP and the MILF.

The Philippine government has made known to the Malaysian Government that there is a growing perception and cry that Malaysia is partisan to MILF and it is not neutral, because of the Sabah issue.

At this stage, it is good to make specific distinction that the role of Malaysian government in the talks is one of facilitation and NOT mediation, though in the ordinary use these two words are often confused or ambiguous.

The MILF has a vote of confidence in the Malaysian facilitation.

The Philippine government welcomes a broader facilitation involving other countries.

For the resumption of the peace talks, Malaysia remains the ‘facilitator.’

There can also be a distinction between the government of Malaysia and the person actually doing the facilitation. I thought that the objections may be against the person of Datu Othman, a Minister in the Prime Minister Office of Malaysia.

But judging from my attendance of the Senate public hearing held in Zamboanga City in the last week of August, it appears that the objection is on Malaysia also.

The fifth question is the issue of international ‘guarantors.’

Lately, the term officially being used is ‘international contact group’ or ICG. Are they simply international ‘friends’ of the peace process? There are varying positions on the issue.

No doubt, more discussion and debate are needed to arrive at a common understanding of the ICG or ‘guarantors.’

This issue is important to understand in order to remove the suspicion of ‘foreign ‘interventions in the peace process.
In our globalized world, peacebuilding as well as reconstruction are not domestic issues.

Worldwide, peacebuilding and reconstruction are affairs of all.

The peace process is not something isolated in the southern Philippines.

NO! It is a local issue, no doubt! But it is also a NATIONAL and REGIONAL as well. In fact, it is also an international issue hence the presence of the multi donor countries, the UN in the work of relief and reconstruction.

I am happy that the prospect of resumption of the peace talks is now real.

In fact, you can now smell in the air. I see this as an important ‘grace’ and ‘blessing’ of the Ramadhan. There are so many ambiguities on the ground.

While there are still remaining few mechanisms, particularly the CCCH and the BDA, that are still in place, their terms of reference need to be reviewed; and definitely there is a need of injecting new dynamism and blood in the process.

I am confident that the MOA-AD has brought home some hard lessons that should guide the paths of the peace process on what is achievable, at least in our own lifetime.

The willingness of the protagonists to go back to the negotiating table inspires confidence.

It will not be easy, definitely!

We pray that we shall find a formula that is a balance between the demands of the constitution and a magic that inspires confidence that whatever agreement is achieved in the future will be, in some degree, honored and kept.

Alignment of political forces is shaping up and the playing field is becoming crowded by the day. Everybody seems to enjoy projecting himself/herself as the hope of the motherland.

Though there are positive developments in the playing field of candidates, the electoral system by which we will elect leaders of this country remains very shaky.

To date, the automated electoral system or AES is the chosen mode by the Commission on Elections (Comelec) to use in the May 2010 elections.

The contract has been signed with Smartmatic, Inc. and its local partner to not only to deliver the machines (Optical Mark Reader or OMR) but also provide and train personnel to run the machines.

Though there is a standing petition in the Supreme Court to nullify the contract on the grounds of non compliance with the existing computerization law of elections, the issuance of the ruling on the matter is anybody’s guess.

Against the AES mode of electoral processes is the Open Electoral System or the OES.

The main contention of the proponents of this system is the limited preparation, shortness of time, the staggering cost and the lack of personnel to manage the machines, among others.

The OES camp would go for a partial computerization of the May 2010 elections. This would mean we still go manual in the precincts, yet the canvass and transmission will be computerized.

Until today even after the Comelec’s signing of the contract with Smartmatic, the AES and OES continue to be loggerheads.

I am no expert in the two systems yet, when briefed on both systems, I do not see that this should be a case of an either/or… AES or OES!

I see the two systems as complimentary if only the ‘faces’ behind the two modes would be able to distance themselves from the seeming colliding modes of electoral systems.

For the May 2010 elections under the AES, Smartmatic will deliver 80,000 OMR machines and field them in 42,000 voting centers nationwide.

You would need at least 42,000 OMR technicians to be fielded in all voting centers. The Department of Science and Technology (DOST) will certify each OMR machine before fielding them in voting centers.

Many consider the simple delivery certification of 80 thousand machines coupled by fielding and training of 42 thousand technicians as a logistical nightmare.

The other nightmare associated with AES is the real possibility of great or gargantuan voters’ error beyond the tolerable limit during the actual elections that would put in doubt the ‘winners’ in May 2010.

The size of the ballot, the number of names in the ballots, the small oval space to be filled by the voters, and the lack of familiarity by voters in the new election mode are real factors for voters’ error in the actual date of elections.

What is the tolerable voters’ error? Is it 20 percent or 30 percent? In the real score, a 20 percent or 30 percent of voters’ error nationwide is a wide margin?

We have barely nine months before Election Day.

The 80,000 OMR machines are still to be delivered.

The DOST has, to date, nothing to certify.

Whether DOST has the capacity to do in a limited period is yet another debatable issue.

Smartmatic under the Comelec’s supervision still has to get contractors to recruit and train 42,000 technicians.

In the meantime, Comelec still has to educate and familiarize the voters on the new system.

At this stage, I cannot simply imagine that this would all be possible.

The either/or option is truly mind boggling, to say the least or ‘nightmarish’ at its worst.

However, a combination of AES and OES may still be possible at this stage to have credible and relatively ‘fast’ elections in May 2010.

But the peoples behind the systems are at loggerheads.

It may be possible if we remove the ‘faces’ associated with the two systems.

We all need to be concerned, because the specter of failure of elections becomes a real possibility.

The argument that OMR has already been tested in the last ARMM elections in 2007 is a debatable issue.

The machine supplier is NOT the same; the program to be used may not be the same; the number of names in the ballots is a big difference.

In the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), people were only voting for one Governor, one Vice Governor, and three Assemblymen per districts.

In the actual contest, there were practically few names in all the offices ‘contested’ since there was actually ‘no contest’ in real terms.

The law states that the system is to be piloted in at least two provinces and two cities.

The other issue involved is the fact that the electoral program needs to be vetted by interested parties. How is this done and who are the ‘interested parties’?

I join the call that the Senate before it concludes its present session and before it goes on recess before May 2010 elections must elect a Senate President that is not among the expiring 12 senators.

In case of failure of elections in May 2010, everybody becomes ‘illegals,’ except for the barangay chairs and council and the 12 senators who cannot elect a Senate President nor come to a proper session for the lack of quorum.

The 12 senators with no quorum is ‘inutile’. Oh what a nightmare!

It is very important to weave the experiences and lessons of religious leaders' participation in building peace in Southern Philippines. There are many and varied experiences of peacebuilding that involve religious leaders of all faiths.

This has become more important, because both violent and peaceful people continue to use religious images and passages from the Scriptures or Holy Books to “justify” their acts and actuations that either promote conflicts and violence or build peace.

The peoples of Mindanao are witnesses to these two strands.

They have seen both the violence and bloodshed in war and rehabilitation and reconstruction in peacebuilding. War, piracy, and kidnappings have always marred, from the very beginning, the encounters between Islam and Christianity in Southern Philippines.

It is often said that the Southern Philippines has really not known peace. What we, sometimes, experience are fleeting truces that allow peoples to build anew their homes and livelihoods until war erupts again and send them back to evacuation centers.

It is said that Christianity and Islam are, indeed, physically adjacent.

Yet, for all their nearness, the relations between these two faiths and their respective followers are largely shrouded in mutual suspicion and darkness. There are exceptions on either side to rise above the general ignorance and suspicion. But these are few.

When faiths and religious traditions confront each other, it is for the most part, with "fixed sentinels."

In the Southern Philippines, Christianity and Islam have always been presented as two competing faiths for the same geographical area.

Wittingly or unwittingly, the recent spate of lawlessness like kidnappings, terrorism, and plain and simple banditry is read along the understood "separateness" between Christianity and Islam.

All these are familiar enough and part of our present problem.

Often, they exercise tyranny over our spirits.

They have produced a culture and a habit of suspicion and confrontation that make inter-religious collaboration and dialogue, truly, a very difficult task.

It requires a commitment and determination to steadily school ourselves to resist and reject our habit of preferring suspicion to trust; our instinct to prefer the familiar confrontation to a new relationship of partnership in the world that is in difficult transition.

In the past as well as today, there is an ever-growing awareness of common territory and affinity between Islam and Christianity.

The Qur'an in Chapter 5 verse 82 unequivocally encourages Muslims to cooperate with Christians. “Thou wilt surely find the nearest of them in love to the believers are the ones who say, 'We are Christians'; that because some of them are priests and monks, and they wax not proud” (S.5:82).

The Second Vatican Council document, Nostra Aetate, clearly articulates the common territory and affinity between Christianity and Islam.

“Over the centuries many quarrels and dissensions have arisen between Christians and Muslims. The Sacred Council now pleads with all to forget the past, and urges that a sincere effort be made to achieve mutual understanding; for the benefit of all men, let them together preserve and promote peace, liberty, social justice and moral values.” (NA3).

Muslim-Christian Partnership

There are a few religious leaders in the Southern Philippines who have understood the importance of Muslim and Christian understanding to attain a lasting peace and sustainable development. There are difficulties, frustrations and pains, yet, they are transcended as they continue to learn how to live as neighbors.

These attempts now constitute the examples of religious leaders' participation in building peace in Southern Philippines. I will outline four traditions of Muslim-Christian leaders' involvements in peace building.

The first tradition was the continuing attempts to bridge the education and development gap in the Southern Philippines due to long years of government neglect.

In the then empire province of Cotabato and the Archipelago of Sulu, OMI's began the Notre Dame School System that brought quality education to the Moro peoples long before the establishment of the Mindanao State University.

The Notre Dame School system has generated so much social capital that educated Moro people and the leadership both in the rebel front and in local government easily point to their experiences in the Notre Dame campuses all over the Southern Philippines as examples of harmony and unity between Muslims and Christians. This was also true in the island province of Basilan with the Claret Schools under the Claretians.

The second Tradition was the struggle for justice and human rights, particularly during the dark years of Martial Law.

Arbitrary arrests and detentions, Military “zoning” (military encirclements of a community where all males were lined up in the public square and houses were searched and ransacked usually at nights), cases of “salvagings” (killed or liquidated and later the bodies were dumped into the river) and disappearances led to the formation of the first Christian-Muslim Leaders Association of the Philippines.

Prominent personalities in this struggle were Bishop Antonino Nepomuceno, OMI, Episcopal Bishop Constacio Manguramas, and Sheik Omar Bajunaid.

This group conducted capacity building for dialogue and monitoring human rights violations for priests, Imams and Pastors. They were able to forge Muslim-Christian solidarity that witnessed to the common tradition of trust, friendship, and hospitality amid the legacies of suspicion, anger, and hatred.

The third tradition is the path personified by Bishops Bienvenido Tudtud (Lanao del Sur) and Benjamin de Jesus, OMI (Sulu).

Both Bishops were gentle, jovial and friends to all, but most especially to the poor and the vulnerable sectors of Philippine society.

Their passionate commitment to the poor and dialogue of life led them to venture in a humble and non-threatening friendship with the Muslims in the Vicariate of Sulu and the Prelature of Marawi. They wanted to be the humble and compassionate servants of the peoples of Sulu and Lanao del Sur.

This path is now enshrined in the universally accepted dialogue of life that translates into everyday life the desired friendship that should characterize the relationships between and among neighbors. It is a path that continues, in daily living, to break down the walls (both visible and invisible) that separate Muslims and Christians.

The fourth tradition is the pioneering peace education and advocacy began by the OMI run Notre Dame University (NDU).

It is the first institution of higher learning that has integrated peace education in its curriculum where both Muslim and Christian students are required to take peace studies.

The University's peace advocacy has led to mediation and conflict resolution efforts of the citizens (Muslims and Christians) in Southern Philippines. The first experiences of civilian peacebuilding began at NDU following the signing of the cessation of hostility between the GRP and the MILF in 1997.

These traditions show concrete Muslim-Christian collaboration on the ground that indicates the heart of dialogue and peace building.

Like politics, peace building is local. They are rooted in “being” with the people, especially the poor and the vulnerable sectors of society.

It is a “rootedness” that is shaped and fashioned by a shared living, sympathy and solidarity. This becomes the well-spring of active participation in all human endeavors, economic, political and cultural, always in favor of the poor, the oppressed, and the marginalized. Oftentimes, this kind of witnessing is clearer and more eloquent than any signing of agreement.

Muslim-Christian collaboration is not something abstract. It is a human activity which involves our total life experience.

It takes place in the individual as well as communal lives as peoples of differing faiths live out their faiths and conviction according to the living traditions.

No doubt, the partnership, and collaboration depend upon a bridging leadership that enhances mutual trust and understanding.

It demands respect for the identity as well as the integrity of the other. It rests on the conviction that God who is all merciful and compassionate desires to draw all peoples and the whole creation into a relationship of love and peace.

I am writing this blog to introduce a forthcoming book on the life of Fr. Jesus Reynaldo Roda, OMI, the martyred priest of Tabawan.

More than a year has passed since the country was shocked by the brutal killing of an Oblate Missionary in Tabawan — one of the islands in the Tawi-Tawi Archipelago.

The first book launch will be held at Notre Dame University on August 13th, Thursday at 4 pm.

We are also making an arrangement to have a book launch at Loyola House of Studies (Ateneo de Manila University Campus), Fr. Rey's alma mater for his friends, classmates and friends of the OMI's in the National Capital Region also during the month of September.

There were three cases of bloody murder of OMI Missionaries in the Vicariate of Jolo within the last ten years — the Vicar, Bishop Benjamin de Jesus, OMI on February 4, 1997, Fr. Benjamin Inocencio, OMI on December 28, 2000, and Fr. Jesus Reynaldo Roda, OMI on January 15, 2008.

To the eyes of the world, these deaths may appear senseless and incomprehensible. But to people who believe in the ministry of presence, the lives and deaths of these three missionaries are, indeed, not in vain and not without meaning.

Linguistically speaking, presence is a noun, not a verb. It connotes a state of being, not doing. States of being are not highly valued in a culture which places a high priority on doing.

Yet, true presence or ‘being with’ another person carries with it a silent power, that is, to bear witness to a passage, to help carry an emotional burden or to begin a healing process. In it, there is an intimate connection with another that is perhaps too seldom felt in a society that strives for ever-faster ‘connectivity.’

To the three OMI martyrs of the Vicariate of Jolo, it was not their ‘doing’ that had, in a sense, precipitated their murders in the hands of the lawless elements of the Provinces of Sulu and Tawi-Tawi. It was their ‘being with’ their people and communities that had become a powerful witnessing beyond words and actions.

Bishop Ben in the whole Vicariate of Jolo, Fr. Benjie in the islands of Mapun and Jolo and Fr. Rey in Tabawan journeyed with their people with endearing smile, innocence, and passionate love.

Often these values were clearly revealed in their testimony of fidelity to their religious call that is often translated in simply “just go, just be there and just live with your people.”

In the book, we focus on a particular journey of ‘being with’ as exemplified by the most recent OMI Martyr, Fr. Jesus Reynaldo Roda, OMI of Tabawan.

Fr. Rey, during his formative years, already thought of becoming a missionary in the Muslim countries of Asia.

This wish was realized at the last lap of his life passing through the circuitous road of ministry to the oppressed and the marginalized in the Diocese of Kidapawan in North Cotabato and formation work in Thailand.

When his wish came true, it was not in Malaysia or some islands in Indonesia, but in the Archipelago of Tawi-Tawi in the southernmost part of the Philippines.

It began in the island of Batu-Batu and would end in the island of Tabawan. It was a presence among the poor Sama people. Often, it was a powerless presence with his community for whom he could “do” nothing.

He walked, sat and ate with friends. There were times that he was pulled by the urge to do more than be, yet repeatedly struck by the lack of resources.

Paradoxically, it was during these times of powerlessness that he discovered the healing power of connection created by being fully there in the quiet understanding of another. In it, no one is truly alone.

Every night, he sat in the small chapel of the rectory and felt the presence of Him who had called him to become a priest and a missionary. There, too, in the presence of the Lord, he journeyed and sat with his confreres, particularly missionaries living alone in the other islands of the archipelago of Tawi Tawi and Sulu.

In that silent and lonely island, Fr. Rey painstakingly discovered the power of presence that was not a one-way street, not only something missionaries give to others.

It is said by the old missionaries in the archipelago that the islands and the communities always change them, and always for the better.

In Tabawan, there are two powerful witnesses of this mutual transformation and enrichment.

The first was the ‘Bapa’ of Tabawan, Fr. Leopold Gregoire, OMI who lived and journeyed with the Sama people for nearly 20 years and second was Fr. Jesus Reynaldo Roda, OMI who walked and sat with his Sama friends for nearly ten years. Both missionaries were changed and definitely, it was for the better.

The life of Fr. Rey amid the Sama people was a witness of being with the weak, the poor, and the marginalized.

He found this the hard way, often, in turmoil questioning over and over again: why the poor continue to suffer not only of man-made disasters but also natural ones, why the poor are often the victims of almost total neglect by the ‘powerful’ and by seemingly endless calamities.

Their anguish and the cry of the poor DO NOT reach God!

Tabawan that led to a disclosure that God is NOT the all powerful one that he was taught from catechism to the liturgies. The God revealed to him in the island, especially in the night of his murder, was all weak, so helpless and so poor.

But was this not the message both of the manger and the cross?

Yes, God is not only so poor and weak, but also a suffering one and dying on the cross.

Is this not the real meaning of Emmanuel — his presence, God's birth into the world? God is NOT the all powerful one! Much less is He the all TRANSCENDENT One.

Definitely, the God revealed by Jesus in the Manger and the Cross is NOT a sort of a SUPERNATURAL DEITY!

This message Fr. Rey, OMI heard while sitting in the chapel in the company of the Lord who invited him to live a radically different life from what the world offers.

It was an invitation to live a life of simplicity and at the service of the poor and all who were on the fringes of society.

These so called unclean, unwanted, unacceptable people, the pagans, the sinners, the prisoners, and the lepers are now the number one in the roll call of Jesus of Bethlehem and of Golgotha.

These were the people through whom God chooses to reveal Himself.