Now that the President has chosen the chief of staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (Lt. Gen. Eduardo Oban Jr.), the next important appointment that is being awaited is that of ambassador to China which should be made before his state visit there in May.

Two names are prominently being mentioned: Edward Go and Alfonso Uy. Both are businessmen which is good because trade relations with China, the world’s economic superpower, is very important.

Go has extensive banking experience (Citibank, United Coconut Planters Bank , Philippine Bank of Communications, China Banking Corporation, Philippine Banking Corporation, Asian Bank). He holds directorship in more than 20 corporations among them the Philippine Long Distance Company and Metro Pacific Investments Corp, both headed by Manuel V. Pangilinan. It’s something that he has in common with the newly-appointed acting foreign secretary, Albert del Rosario, who was also with MPIC before he returned to foreign service two weeks ago.

Uy, an Ilonggo, is chairman of Philippine Foremost Milling Corporation and former president of the Federation of Filipino – Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Inc. (FFCCCII).

There are rumors that some members of the Aquino family were rooting for family friend Domingo Lee but Palace insiders said he is not being considered.

Either Go or Uy would be a vast improvement over Francisco Benedicto whom the President made a mistake of nominating to remain in his post in Beijing where Gloria Arroyo posted him in the last five months of her administration in violation of the foreign affairs practice of not giving a foreign assignment to any diplomat at least three years before retirement.

Benedicto’s assumption of the Beijing post was made possible by the disarray in the Department of Foreign Affairs under the Aquino administration when he retained Alberto Romulo as foreign secretary.

When Aquino assumed the presidency June 30, 2010, Benedicto had not yet presented his Arroyo credentials to the Chinese government. He assumed the post anyway. He was able to present his credentials in September, when the controversial extension given by Aquino to Arroyo’s political ambassadors was to about to end. So in September 2010, when Aquino was already president, Benedicto presented his papers as ambassador extraordinary plenipotentiary of Gloria Arroyo.

He got away with it. Not only that. Many also were surprised when among the appointment papers sent by Malacañang to the Commission on Appointments for confirmation was the name of Benedicto as ambassador to China.

So Benedicto came home and lobbied with the members of the CA for his confirmation. Two members I talked with said he gave them an envelope to facilitate his confirmation. I can only surmise why Sen. Franklin Drilon vowed to block his confirmation.

But what made Malacañang realize the Benedicto disaster was in Beijing when, eager to score with Aquino who had earlier justified Philippine boycott of the Nobel peace awards ceremonies to a Chinese dissident with efforts to save three Filipino drug mules in China’s death row, he hinted in a call with Chinese officials that the Philippines is willing to accommodate China’s presence in Philippine-claimed territories in the Spratlys. Just what Arroyo did when her administration signed two controversial joint seismic monitoring agreements with China and Vietnam that have come under fire for purportedly “sacrificing” Philippine interests in exchange for huge loans from China.

DFA officials said Benedicto has been recalled and the Philippine Embassy in Beijing is headed by chargé d’affaires Alex Chua.

Last week’s intrusion of China in the Reed Bank where the Department of Energy is conducting oil exploration should warn the Aquino government of China’s determination to assert its ownership of the whole South China Sea which runs counter to the Philippine position.

Aquino is going on a state visit to China and May and it’s important that the ambassador who would be representing and accompanying him would be someone competent to navigate through the intricacies of international politics and always protect Philippine sovereignty and the interest of the Filipino people.

A certain mysterious and powerful man behind Maj. Gen. Carlos Garcia has once again been mentioned in the news following the outburst of retired Commodore Rex Robles after the suicide of his friend Angelo Reyes.

Robles, who belongs to Philippine Military Class ’65, said his closeness to Reyes goes back to their PMA days because he was the yearling, the academy lingo for mentor, of Reyes who was in Class ’66.

The following version of that controversy which has now involved Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV , PMA Class ’95, is the result of my interviews with Robles and Trillanes, and conversations with other sources even before the Ombudsman entered into a plea bargain agreement with Garcia, the subject of the congressional investigation which has exploded into sordid revelations of corruption in the military.

Last Jan. 12, Trillanes, a few weeks after his release from seven and a half years of detention in Camp Crame, was quoted in media to have said, “I believe General Garcia is only a front for somebody powerful. At some point in late 2009, he was actually willing to talk and reveal the story behind his enormous wealth. But I don't know, maybe he became afraid."

Trillanes refused to identify the person he believed is protecting Garcia but he said he has told Malacañang about it.

Trillanes and Garcia were both detained at the Camp Crame Custodial Center. Garcia, who was accused of the non-bailable crime of plunder, was released on bail last December 16 on the strength of the plea bargain agreement which the Ombudsman said has not yet been approved by the Sandiganbayan.

On January 14, Reyes wrote Trillanes asking him to reveal who that “powerful person” behind Garcia is. He said, “And knowing you to be a forthright and just person, I am confident that when you do name this powerful person, you would be able to substantiate the allegation.”

The letter was hand-carried to Trillanes by a PMA classmate on January 18. This letter was purportedly the subject of Gloria Arroyo’s call to Reyes a few days before he killed himself.

Robles said that Trillanes told his mistah, ”Mistah, hindi si Reyes.” That’s why Robles said he could not understand why Trillanes said it was Reyes in a media interview last February 1, the day after Reyes published the letter through a paid advertisement in major newspapers.

Trillanes said Reyes was one of the “principals” behind Garcia based on the revelations of former military budget officer George Rabusa.

Take note that the delivery of the letter to Trillanes happened before Rabusa’s Senate appearance on January 27. It was in that hearing that Rabusa revealed that he personally handed to Reyes, together with then military comptroller Jacinto Ligot, the now infamous P50 million send-off gift when the AFP chief retired in March 2001. Rabusa also said that Reyes was receiving P10 million monthly for his personal allowances when he was AFP chief.

Trillanes admitted that at the time he met his mistah, the “powerful man” he was referring to was not Reyes.

But Trillanes revealed that his mistah delivered a message from Reyes which indicated that he also knew who that powerful man was, and he wanted him (Trillanes) to disclose it to the public so he (Reyes) would be cleared.

Trillanes said his mistah told him that Reyes admitted, “May dumadaan sa akin. Pero wala akong kinukuha. Wala ako diyan. (Some pass through me. But I don’t benefit from it. I didn’t get anything.”

Trillanes’ said his mistah relayed to him Reyes’ request “to absolve him.”

Trillanes said, “I couldn’t do that.” Instead he told his mistah that since the former AFP chief and also former defense secretary himself said the deal just passed through his desk and he knew there was a higher destination, “Ituro na niya.” Identify the ultimate beneficiary.

The mistah said it’s unlikely that Reyes would do that.

Presumably, Trillanes’ information about the powerful man behind Garcia came from the former military comptroller himself. The problem is, during that January 27 hearing, Trillanes asked Garcia if he was willing to cooperate with the government in eradicating corruption in the military. Garcia firmly declared, “I am not applying to be a state witness.”

Trillanes said he was puzzled why Reyes even came out with a full-page ad with his letter even after the Rabusa expose. He said he named Reyes based on the Rabusa testimony. He said that’s why he asked for procurement papers of military equipment because purchases for the armed forces pass through the Office of the Defense Secretary.

Robles said in his last conversation with Reyes, which was the day before he killed himself, the latter confided to him that Arroyo called him up about his letter to Trillanes. Robles said Reyes sounded concerned about Arroyo’s probe about the letter, telling Robles about it in conspiratorial way. “Pare, tinawagan ako ni GMA,” Reyes told him in a half-whisper over the phone.

Robles said one of the things that Arroyo wanted to know was the identity of Trillanes’ mistah who delivered the letter.

Does this mean now that Arroyo will grill that young officer? Was Arroyo worried that it was her former aide, LCDR Christopher Magdangal, who delivered the letter? Was she worried that Magdangal would talk? No, it was not Magdangal.

There is also the question why Reyes was challenging Trillanes to name the “powerful person” behind Garcia, whom he apparently also knew. He knew that coming up with proof to pin down this powerful person would be difficult. Was he laying a trap for Trillanes?

With Reyes gone, that powerful person may think that as long as Garcia adheres to his code of omerta, he is safe. But we got information that Garcia has written a letter, copies of which were given to three persons he trusts, with the instruction that it be made public in case something happens to him.

Uneasy must be the head that sleeps on stolen comforts.

I like men who cry. It makes them very humane and vulnerable. And manly.

Air Force Col. Antonio Ramon “Sonny” Lim couldn’t hold back his tears when he testified at the hearing of the Senate Blue Ribbon committee investigating the controversial plea bargain agreement of the Ombudsman with the retired Maj. Gen. Carlos Garcia.

He said in Pilipino that ever since the news about the corruption in the military broke out, he had been thinking of coming out with what he knew and decided that under PNoy’s reformist administration, “Panahon na na malaman ng sambayanang Pilipino ang katotohanan. (It’s time that people know the truth)”

Lim was the assistant of retired Lt. Col. George Rabusa, former budget officer, who had earlier spilled the beans on three AFP chiefs of staff – Angelo Reyes, Diomedio Villanueva, and Roy Cimatu – getting bienvenida and despedida money ranging from P50 million to as high as P150 million and monthly allowances of P10 million.

Lim is still in the service and it is to the credit of this administration that members of the military are allowed to testify before congressional investigations unlike under the Arroyo administration when a number of officers were subjected to court martial proceedings for appearing before the Senate during investigations of the “Hello Garci” scandal where the military was embroiled in massive cheating in the 2004 elections. Remember Brig. Gen. Francisco Gudani, Col. Alex Balutan and Sgt Vidal Doble?

There was the egregious E.O 464 that prevented Cabinet members, police and military generals, senior national security officials, and “such other officers as may be determined by the President” to attend congressional hearings unless the President gives permission to those who will attend the said proceedings.” Of course, Arroyo didn’t allow them or else the truth of her alleged grand theft of the election and many more would have been exposed.

Up to this day, the public does not know the truth about the full extent of the military’s alleged role in tampering election results of the 2004 elections. Former Philippine Navy Flag Officer in command Mateo Mayuga has said he will bring to his grave the complete results of his investigation of that subversion of the people’s will.

In contrast today, AFP Chief Ricardo David, who is present in all congressional hearings, said they are supporting any member of the military who are willing to testify about corruption in the military.

What we are seeing now in the congressional hearings on the Garcia plea bargain agreement is the glaring difference between the presidency of Benigno Aquino III and Gloria Arroyo. That is freedom of expression. That is transparency.

It was touching seeing Lim, teary-eyed, reiterating his fear for the safety for his family now that he has decided to tell the truth which could put some people in trouble.

Lim said he has nine more years left in the service and he wants to continue to be in the service.”Gusto ko pa po maging sundalo. Gusto ko po makatapos maging sundalo. Gusto ko pa makaserbisyo ng aking bayan ng Pilipinas. Ako ay nakakakita ng pagkataoon. Matagal ko ng kinikimkim sa dibdib ko nang mga panahon na yun. Ito ay parang pabigat sa aking konsyensya. (I still want to be a soldier. I want to complete my career in the military. I still want to serve my country. I have been keeping this to myself. This is a burden to my conscience.)”

Lim said he has applied to be under the Witness Protection Program of the Department of Justice.

During last Thursday's hearing, Lim corroborated Rabusa’s revelation and said that he was the one who packed the millions of pesos that they withdrew from Security Bank and delivered to the comptroller supposedly to be given to the AFP chief. In one or two occasions, he went with Rabusa in delivering the money.

I didn’t easily recognize Lim until Sen. Gringo Honasan’s media officer Peachy Urquiola reminded me that he was the aide of then Press Secretary Jesus Sison when we were covering the Malacañang beat. Then I remembered “Sonny”. He was a captain then.

Lim belongs to PMA Class 1986, an “officer of good standing”, according to Air Force spokesman Lt. Col. Miguel Ernesto Okol. ““He is a seasoned pilot, instructor pilot,” Okol added.

After his Malacañang stint, he was assigned to the Air Force headquarters at Villamor Air Base in Pasay City in various positions before being assigned to the office of the AFP deputy chief of staff for logistics from 1999-2004. There, he met Rabusa.

Lim had served with the 532nd Aerodrome Operations Squadron and took up the Command and General Staff Course and as commander of the Tactical Operations Group IX in Sulu. He is currently assigned as the Director for Operations of the PAF’s 3rd Air Division stationed in Zamboanga City.

It is good to know that there are still honorable officers in the military like Col. Lim. I imagine that there are many of them out there and examples being set by officers like Col Lim serve as their guide and inspiration when confronted with situations that put their principles and integrity to a test.

***
The title of this column was suggested to me by my friend Sol Vanzi. There are actually two songs with the same title but I like this one by the Lost Dogs. Here’s a portion of the lyrics:

Do real men cry? / I never thought it was true, maybe I could tough this one out / Be strong enough to make it through, (but now) there’s tears in the eyes of this stubborn fool /

I thought that if I stood tall just like a wall,it would all be good enough / Please let me hold you now and promise you girl / that I’m through with acting tough.

As long as there is a Heidi Mendoza, there is hope for the Filipino nation.

Mendoza’s testimony about the pressures she had to deal with in uncovering the military corruption was so moving especially when she tearfully made a public appeal that her family be spared from harm. “Maawa kayo sa akin. Maawa kayo sa mga anak ko,” she pleaded, adding that in coming out she didn’t want to hurt anybody.

A daughter of a policeman, Mendoza is the former state auditor who investigated the case of former Maj. Gen. Carlos Garcia, who served as military comptroller from 2001 to 2003.

Mendoza said she took on the challenge of investigating the alleged corruption in the military “to give honor to the soldiers who risk their lives in defense of the country.”

She said it was because of “sheer disgust over the corruption in government” that she is risking her safety and that of her family by testifying in the congressional investigation. She appealed to each and every one to do his share in stomping out corruption.

Heidi related that from the very beginning ,when then Ombudsman Simeon Marcelo requested for her help in the investigation, acting chairman of the Commission on Audit Emmanuel Dalman gave her permission but with the advice, “Dahan-dahan lang.” When she asked for clarification, Dalman said: “Kasi tinawagan tayo ng Palasyo.”

Mendoza recalled that Dalman’s words of caution came from the office of the Executive Secretary.

Former Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita was at the hearing and he denied categorically that he gave the instruction for Mendoza to slow down in the investigation.

Heidi said her investigation covered the pension funds, the United Nations fund for peacekeepers, Balikatan, and modernization funds. In 2005, she made a presentation to Assistant COA Commissioner Emma Espina who discouraged her from doing a report of what she had discovered.

Later it was the COA chair himself, Guillermo Carague, who reportedly told her: “Don’t make the report anymore. Anyway, the Ombudsman (Marcelo) has resigned.”

She was dismayed. She asked what was supposed to do with the 12 boxes of evidence she had gathered. Caraque then allegedly told her: “Simple. Return the documents to where you got it.”

Since COA was not interested in her report, she made a Financial Investigation Report and submitted it to the Ombudsman. She said she never had a meeting with Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez, unlike during the time of Marcelo with whom she worked closely with.

Some of the irregularities that she discovered:

P50 million of the P200 million from the UN in a convoluted and irregular deposit process that could not have happened without the cooperation of bank officials. Three accounts were opened at the United Coconut Planters Bank, Alfaro branch where Ethel Bondoc was the manager. One account for P100 million, another for P50 million supposedly another fro P50 million. But the last P50 million had a passbook but not in the system.

Later on, another P50 million account at the Tordesillas branch of UCPB surfaced which the AFP and UCPB said was the missing P50 million. But Mendoza said the source of that P50 million was not the P200 million.

Discovered clearing accounts in Land Bank General Santos and Iloilo branches involving amounts as huge as $5 million.

The wife of former comptroller Lt. Gen. (ret) Jacinto Ligot is from General Santos City while that of Garcia is from Iloilo.

Rep. Roilo Golez said that practice is called “floating accounts” where money can be “parked” even for a day and earn millions of pesos in interest.

Mendoza said that when she went to GenSan and Iloilo to look into the “clearing” account, she was told by bank officials they were non-existent.

When Assistant Special Prosecutor Joseph Capistrano said that the UCPB and Bondoc issued a certification that the P50 million was not missing and it was found at the UCPB Tordesillas branch, Mendoza revealed a private mail from a member of the investigating team from the United States Department of Justice who said that Bondoc told them the UCPB did a “cover-up” of the missing P50 million.

In the midst of all these, Ombudsman Gutierrez still insisted their evidence against Garcia was weak. It only shows that those who don’t want to look, will never see.

Mendoza said her appearance at the House investigation was not to convict Garcia. Rather, she felt that she has no right to demand good governance from the government if she did not come out and tell the public what she knows on the matter.

She said she wants to assure the public that not all in government are corrupt.

I don’t know if retired Maj. Gen. Carlos Garcia will confirm this if asked in a Senate hearing but I learned that when he was in detention, he wrote a letter addressed to three persons detailing his version of the multi-million-peso (even billion) mess in the military that he was embroiled in.

The letters, I learned, were placed in the safekeeping of those three persons with the instruction that in case something happens to him, the contents of the letter would be divulged.

This should give sleepless nights to all those involved in grand theft of the money intended for the soldiers, who lay down their lives, for the country’s peace, stability and security and for the upgrading of military equipment, that has become the laughing stock in the region.

The explosive testimony of retired Lt. Col. George Rabusa at the Senate hearing last Thursday pinning down former AFP Chief Angelo Reyes as the recipient of money filched from military coffers should make those involved realize that no secrets will remain secrets forever.

Rabusa, who was the budget officer then, said he and then military comptroller Lt. Gen Jacinto Ligot handcarried to him the dollar equivalent of at least P50 million as his send -off gift. This was in March 2001 when Reyes retired from the AFP to become the defense secretary as his reward for turning against his commander- in- chief, Joseph Estrada, and supporting Gloria Arroyo’s power grab.

Rabusa said aside from the P50 million pabaon, he was still giving a Reyes a P5 million monthly allowance and P5 million for miscellaneous expenses even if Reyes was already out of the AFP.

Rabusa said in subsequent media interviews that his next testimonies would reach up to Gloria Arroyo.

Rabusa’s turnaround must have been a shock to Reyes, Garcia and Ligot and the “principals” of this grand theft. Until the former budget officer suffered a stroke and more misfortune visited his family, he was also firm on keeping mum about the anomalies.

Rabusa said in a TV interview that he felt a huge burden lifted from his shoulders after his Senate testimony. He said he was not worried about the repercussions because at this point in his life, he had nothing more to lose.

This is a reminder to everybody that there is no such thing as a perfect crime.

Come to think of it, who would have thought that in that fateful flight to San Francisco on Dec. 19, 2003, Garcia’s wife Clarita would be asleep leaving the filling up of the arrival cards to her sons, who did not declare the $100,000 they were carrying.

It was easy to imagine that it was not the first time they brought in so many dollars to the U.S. but it was probably divine intervention that they were caught.

In the attempt of Mrs. Garcia to get back the $100,000 she executed an affidavit detailing their illegal sources of funds. A portion of Mrs. Garcia’s affidavit: “As the comptroller, my husband handles all budgets for the armed forces based on the requests from each branch of the military. The budget is sent to the Secretary of National Defense and it is sent to the Senate for approval. The Armed Forces Committee reviews the each contractor’s bids. Once the bids are approved and the review committee has checked out the companies, my husband is the final signature for the funding of contracts. The expense money, gratitude money and shopping money is not declared as income.”

Mrs. Garcia’s spilling the beans started the investigation which was suppressed during the Arroyo administration but is now being revived because of the onerous plea bargain agreement between the office of the Ombudsman and Garcia.

And now, Rabusa’s revelations.

If the general public was appalled by the plea bargain agreement struck by Maj. Gen. (ret.) Carlos Garcia and the Office of the Ombudsman , one can just imagine how it was with Heidi Mendoza, the government auditor who was the lone prosecution witness who gave documentary evidence in the plunder case against the former military comptroller.

Mendoza, who withstood all kinds of pressure while she was investigating the Garcia plunder case, said it was so painful to hear and read government prosecutors say that the reason they had to accept Garcia’s offer for plea bargain was because the evidence was weak.

She said that’s what everybody was telling her and her team when they were conducting their investigation. Garcia was a smart guy, there was no paper trail in the more than P300 million that he was accused of filching from government funds.

But God works in mysterious ways. Over the weekend, in an interview with some members of media, Mendoza relates that moment when she found the P200 million check signed by Garcia amidst a pile of documents in the storage room of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.

How that P200 million, part of the fund from the United Nations for the Filipino peacekeepers, was funneled into Garcia’s personal accounts is a tale of connivance not only among government officials but also with the bank officials. There are even talks of romantic liaisons.

The fake accounts, the irregular transactions could not have been done without the cooperation of high officials of the bank. In the case of the P200 million, it was the United Coconut Planters Bank, where government is represented by the Presidential Commission on Good Government.


In the intervention filed by the Office of the Solicitor General to the plea bargain, it mentioned the name of Edith Bondoc, assistant vice president and branch head of UCPB, Alfaro branch where the mysterious transactions were conducted.

Bondoc, who we understand is now in Las Vegas and married to a former member of the Presidential Security Group during the time of President Cory Aquino, is not included in the plunder suit nor was she ever called to testify in the case.

Mendoza has a long list of frustrating incidents on the Garcia case. One of those was the withdrawal of authorization by her former boss, then COA Chairman Guillermo Carague. She was earlier warned that five of her bosses were under the pay of Garcia.

Media and the public also had been remiss. Mendoza recalled that the many times that she was at the witness stand at the Sandiganbayan hearings, “Not one of the media was there, not one of the so-called concerned citizens can be found, not one anti-corruption civil society was there to monitor the case.”

Shocked by the prospect of Garcia (he is now out on bail) getting away with plunder of money intended for soldiers, who lay down their lives for the country, civil society groups have pledged to support Mendoza.

Last week Mendoza resigned from her job. Asked why is she doing this, she recites the letter of the late Sen. Jose Diokno , from his prison cell, to his son Jose Manuel (Cel) Diokno :

Why be honest, when it pays to be dishonest?
Why fight for others when they won’t fight for you?
The answer, I think lies in what life means to you.
If life means having a good time, money, fame, power, security, then you don’t need principles;
All you need are techniques.
On the other hand, if happiness counts more than a good time,
Respect more than fame,
Right more than power and peace of soul more than security;
If death doesn’t end life but transforms it, then you must be true to yourself and to God and love the truth and justice and freedom - THAT ARE GOD’s OTHER NAMES.

I have yet to meet a reporter who has covered the diplomatic beat seriously who is not in awe of former Foreign Affairs Undersecretary Rodolfo Severino.

Severino unselfishly shares his vast knowledge about foreign relations in an engaging way that makes what is generally regarded as an esoteric and intimidating topic easily understandable. This enviable skill of his is again evident in his latest book, “Where in the world is the Philippines?”

The book, published by the Carlos P. Romulo Foundation and the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore is about the ambiguity of the country’s territorial boundaries which he said has far reaching effects on people’s lives and communities.

The ambiguity is ironic because, he said, the Philippines is the only country that defines its national territory in its Constitution.

The book, expectedly, tackles the contentious issues of Sabah and the Spratlys. It does not provide direct solutions to the conflicts, though.

Former foreign secretary Roberto R. Romulo said, “Those of us who know something about Philippine history and public affairs, know only too well how issues, long buried in the past, can unleash debates that are endless and exhausting.”

He said perhaps that was really Severino’s intent, “He means to waken public and national interest in an issue that has been consigned to the recesses of memory and the back-burners of government files.”

In his introduction, Severino said, the book tries “to illuminate the many complex issues involved and urge the country to make up its mind on the positions to take on them; that is, at last, definitively to define the extent of the Philippine national territory and maritime jurisdiction.”

The book goes back to the time when colonial powers – Spain, the United States, and both of them together – and by the pre-independence Philippines, including in the 1935 Constitution, took steps to define the extent of the Philippines’ territory and jurisdiction, unilaterally and through agreements with other countries taking into consideration the difficult relationship of the Muslim Filipinos with the colonial powers and with the rest of the country.

One hundred twenty three pages after of well-researched discussion, Severino urges Philippine policy makers to make up their collective minds, which he admits is something easier said than done, on:

• The waters between the baselines and the Treaty of Paris limits;

• Whether considering those waters as other than territorial waters would require a constitutional amendment;

• How to regard the Sulu Sea and the Moro Gulf and whether doing away with their internal-waters status would require a constitutional amendment;

• Whether and where to designate archipelagic sea lanes;

• Whether, when and where to make to the UN submissions on the country’s extended continental shelves other than the one that it has already done;

• Whether to highlight the regime of islands declared for Scarborough Shoal and the land features of the South China Sea that the Philippines claims;

• Whether to urge publicly China and Vietnam similarly to declare regimes of islands for the land features of the South China Sea that they claim; and

• What the Philippines should do about its Sabah claim.

Severino said the price of indecision could be high: “The Philippine Navy, Coast Guard and other law-enforcement agencies would remain unable to adopt rules of engagement that would enable them to carry out their mission of protecting the resources and otherwise upholding the law in the country’s territorial waters, contiguous zone, exclusive economic zone, and continental shelves. This inability would continue to give free rein to poachers and other intruders, as it does today, to harvest resources, despoil the environment and violate Philippine sovereignty in what Manila might consider as areas where it has jurisdiction and responsibility.

“Not resolving boundary issues would continue to tie the hands of Philippine negotiators in bargaining with neighboring states on the delimitation of maritime boundaries. It would, moreover, prevent the country from entering into joint-development schemes that would be beneficial to itself and its people in areas that are disputed but where the Philippine Constitution or Philippine laws reserve “exclusively to Filipino citizens” the “use and enjoyment” of “the nation’s marine wealth in its archipelagic waters, territorial sea, and exclusive economic zone”.

Severino, who had served as Philippine ambassador to Malaysia, said further the maintenance of the Philippine claim to parts of North Borneo remains a thorn in Philippine-Malaysian relations and hampers the operation of cooperative schemes involving Sabah, like the Brunei Darussalam-Indonesia-Malaysia-Philippines East ASEAN Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA), which ties together all of Brunei Darussalam, eastern Indonesia, East Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak), and Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan.

“It prevents the Philippines from setting up a proper consulate in Sabah from which to extend assistance to the hundreds of thousands of Filipinos there. It also withholds from the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu and/or the wider Sulu community whatever monetary compensation Malaysia offers in return for the withdrawal of the Philippine claim,” he said.

During the open forum, former Solicitor General Estelito Mendoza, who was a member of the Philippine contingent who drafted the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea, suggested to Severino to send a copy of the book to President Aquino. He said to make sure that it is not voluminous because, “If it is thick, he is not going to read it.”

E-mail:ellentordesillas@gmail.com

The cha-cha tune is being played again and we should be wary and alert.

Last Sunday, a friend working in the House of Representatives alerted us that Gloria Arroyo and her allies are ready with the charter-change operation and they are just waiting for the right time to start it. She said Arroyo has the “budget” for it.

Arroyo has already made the first step when she filed on her first day as Pampanga 2nd District representative last July 1 a set of bills including House Resolution 8 calling for charter change through a Constitutional Convention. It was co-authored by her son, Camarines Sur. Rep. Dato Arroyo.

The objective, of course, is to change the system of government from the current presidential to parliamentary and install Gloria Arroyo as prime minister.

Monday, Rep. Ben Evardone of Eastern Samar announced that he is set to file a bill calling for the election of delegates to a constitutional convention (con-con) in May 2011 to revise the 1987 Constitution. He hopes that his bill would be passed before Congress goes on its summer vacation in April, a referendum on it could be held in 2012.

It was reported that Evardone got the support of fellow lawmakers Karlo Nograles of Davao City, Dan Fernandez of Laguna, Rogelio Espina of Biliran, Rene Relampagos of Bohol, Dakila Cua of Quirino, Romero Quimbo of Marikina and Alan Velasco of Marinduque for charter change.

I found it alarming. I called up Evardone, a colleague in Malaya’s guerilla days during the Marcos administration and asked him if his proposal is part of the plan to return Arroyo to power.

Evardone, who used to be with Lakas-NUCD and a reliable ally of Arroyo, is now with the Liberal Party and has been supportive of Aquino’s legislative initiatives, said he raised the idea of charter change because of Aquino’s statement that he is not seeking an elective post in the 2016 elections.

He said he is not primarily for a shift to parliamentary form of government but neither is he averse to it. He said even if we retain the presidential system, we can take a look at the system in other countries (United States) where a vote for the President is also a vote for the vice-president or in Europe where if the candidate who got the highest votes did not get a majority vote, there would be a run-off election.

Evardone said he remembers that during the presidential campaign, Aquino said he would create a group that would study the possibility of changing the Constitution. “This is the best time to do charter-change because if he delays and does it towards the end of his six-year term, he would be suspected of doing it to extend his stay in Malacañang,” he said adding that he can use his popularity now to push such a controversial topic.

I said, isn’t that neat, using Aquino’s popularity to push for Arroyo’s agenda?

Evardone vehemently denied being part of Arroyo’s alleged operation. “I will oppose, object, reject and campaign against provisions that will cater to certain political interests, political personalities and vested interests.”

“I’m not ready to put my guard down. We have seen how Arroyo schemed her way to power and stayed there for nine years without having been elected by the people. We have seen how she destroyed institutions to suit her interest. She maybe out of Malacañang but her tentacles are still intact. Look at the Supreme Court. Look at Congress. How did her son, Mikey, get to represent the tricycle drivers and the security guards? Look at the Ombudsman and the Sandiganbayan and the deal they forged with plunderer retired Maj. Gen. Carlos Garcia.”

Although both Arroyo and Evardone called for the creation of a Constitutional Convention, probably to make it a little palatable to the people, a source said they may push for a Constituent Assembly if they don’t see vehement opposition from the public.

Remember several attempts in the past to convene a Constituent Assembly with the Congress voting jointly to overwhelm the Senate which they expect to oppose it? If they succeed in doing that now with Arroyo’s money, there’s a good chance that they would get the approval of the Corona court on the interpretation of the Constitutional provision of “ two-thirds vote” if the issue is brought to the Supreme Court. The next battleground would be the public in a referendum.

I would not want to risk a referendum on charter change. Better stop it NOW.

President Aquino’s grant of amnesty to members of the military who stood up against Gloria Arroyo’s alleged misuse and abuse of presidential powers is a fulfillment of his promise to reshape Philippine society back to its moral state.

How the amnesty was carried out to where it is now- the processing of applications of those who want to avail of the amnesty- is instructive of how to navigate around the various forces not only of the competing allies of the administration but also of the political opposition.

Aquino was elected overwhelmingly on the promise of reforms and a discontinuation of Arroyo’s purported perversion of the justice system for her interest.

Many in the government bureaucracy, having internalized Arroyo’s practice of twisting the law to suit her interest, have not gotten that message of reform in Aquino’s electoral victory.

From the very beginning, even during the presidential campaign, Aquino was clear about his stand that Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV and other Magdalo officers did not commit coup d’etat as defined in the Revised Penal Code. He also said that the continued detention of Magdalo soldiers was an injustice.

Aquino knew that the reason the core leaders of Magdalo were charged with the non-bailable coup d’etat, even though it was not the appropriate charge, was because Arroyo wanted to keep them in prison for life. She could not forgive Trillanes and the other Magdalo officers for their temerity to stand up to her.

Aquino realized his problem with the Department of Justice when Justice Secretary de Lima recommended that they just wait for the promulgation by the Makati Regional Trial Court of the coup d’etat case. Not really surprising because the ones who prepared the recommendation were the very same people that Arroyo used to persecute the Magdalo officers.

That’s the reason why Malacañang decided not to involve the DOJ in the preparation of the amnesty proclamation. But in fairness to De Lima, she defended the proclamation during the congressional hearings.

Appreciative of the President’s support for them, the Magdalo on their part, worked on each and every member of Congress for their support (except the Arroyos, of course). When the President issued the first amnesty proclamation (No. 50 which was later on revised into Proclamation No, 75), 160 of the more than 200 congressmen and 16 of the 21 senators were signatories to the resolution for amnesty to the soldiers who rebelled against Arroyo.

But despite the lack of numbers, Arroyo’s allies made it difficult for the proclamation to pass. Representatives Edcel Lagman, Anthony Golez, Milagros Magsaysay were conscientious in grilling the officers and administration officials. They got a lot of help from the grandstanding Liberal Party member Rep. Rodolfo Biazon, who used the hearings to recall his role in defending President Cory Aquino in the various coup attempts against her.

Arroyo’s allies insisted on apology from the officers. The officers find this ridiculous and unacceptable. In the end a compromise agreement of an expression of guilt facilitated the concurrence of the House in a vote of 213- 7.

During the voting, Gloria Arroyo stepped out of the room.

There was also resistance from ranking officers of the military; many of them resented the daring of the young officers.

A source in the military overheard Brig. Gen. Gilberto Roa, Judge Advocate General and member of the amnesty committee say that he will make it difficult for the officers applying for amnesty because now they have the additional job of drafting the Implementing Rules and Regulations and process the applications.

Asked why he said that, Roa denied he ever said that. In a text message, he said, “I deny ever saying pahirapan ko sila and I’m aware I have no legal basis to do it as the mandate of the amnesty committee is more ministerial to process the application for amnesty.”

He said further,“ As of today (Tuesday) 23 officers and 35 enlisted personnel applied for amnesty to include Senator Trillanes. Ask them if there’s anyone na pinahirapan ko.”

Magdalo officer Gary Alejano said Roa has been helpful in helping them with the application for amnesty.

Last Tuesday Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV applied for amnesty with the Department of National Defense Ad Hoc Amnesty committee established to process the grant of amnesty. Included in the application form is an admission of involvement in either of the three incidents: July 27, 2003 Oakwood Mutiny, February 2006 Marines Stand-Off, and the November 29, 2007 Peninsula Manila Hotel Incident .

They were to narrate facts of their involvement/participation in the incidents either of the three incidents they checked.

To the Magdalo officers those were not a problem because “may nangyari naman talaga.” What was a bitter pill to swallow for them was the part where they had to sign:

“I hereby acknowledge that my involvement/participation in the subject incident/s constituted a violation of the 1987 Constitution, criminal laws and the Articles of War. I hereby recant my previous statements that are contrary, if any, to this express admission of involvement/participation and guilt.”

Just to be able to move on, they signed. But as Trillanes said, “Let me be clear. We admit guilt as far as rising up against the most corrupt president this country ever had,” he said. “Proudly.”

The Office of the Solicitor General is set to file an intervention to the plea bargain deal between former Maj. Gen. Carlos Garcia, ex-comptroller of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Ombudsman. The plea bargain allows him to get away with the plunder of taxpayers’ money allotted for the soldiers who are asked to lay their lives to keep peace and security for the people.

On Tuesday, staff members of the OSG were reportedly busy copying the nine volumes of documents that gave a glimpse of the massive corruption in the military.

The Department of Justice is also set to file tax evasion charges against Garcia and his wife, Clarita, for undeclared income of close to P28 million in 2002 and 2003.

That’s welcome news because many are wondering why the Aquino government seemed not to be moving while Garcia, his wife and children were securing their ill-gotten wealth and freedom.

It was reported on the first working day of the year that banks have turned over to the Office of the Ombudsman some P53 million in cash held in several accounts owned by Garcia, his wife Clarita, and their children Ian Carl, Juan Paulo and Timothy Mark. Only P53 million? Garcia was able to amass wealth worth P303 million which could only have been obtained illegally because his pay as a military officer would not have made him earn even half of that.

The deal was deplorable enough. The non-bailable charge of plunder was dropped in exchange for Garcia admitting to direct bribery and facilitating money laundering. He agreed to return P103 million of his P303 million loot. In addition, charges against his wife Clarita and their three sons Juan Paulo, Ian Carl and Timothy Mark who were named co-accused were to be dropped because Garcia absolved them of any role in the theft.

The plea bargain, which still has to be approved by the Sandiganbayan, allowed Garcia to post bail of P60,000.

It was a deal most foul. Imagine being allowed to keep P173 million of the money stolen from the people. Beats winning the lotto, one blogger remarked.

And now it seems the ill-gotten wealth surrendered by Garcia as part of the plea bargain do not amount to P130 million but only P53 million.

It was reported that the transfers were made in three batches over the Christmas holidays. The Armed Forces and Police Savings and Loans Association Inc. (AFPSLAI) transmitted P10,017,225.32 on Dec. 21, 2010. The next day, the Land Bank of the Philippines handed over to the Ombudsman two managers checks for the total amount of P7,310,901.09 from Garcia’s accounts with the LBP-Greenhills and Camp Aguinaldo branches.

The bank also remitted $759,083.34 held in a personal dollar account of Garcia, and four joint dollar time deposits with his wife and three children. On December 28, the Bank of the Philippine Islands-Makati main branch delivered five manager’s checks for $56,225.16 and P51,499.34.

Aside from the bank deposits, the Ombudsman also received the certificates of registrations of two sports utility vehicles and two other motor vehicles from the Land Transportation Office Region VI.

The vehicles were a Toyota RAV-4 (FEV-498), a Honda CRV (FEH-275), a Mitsubishi L-300 van (FDZ-582) and a Honda Civic (FEC-134).

The irregular thing about his arrangement is that the ill-gotten wealth are now in the hands of the Ombudsman when it should be the court, the Sandiganbayan, who should have jurisdiction over these.

Former Ombudsman Simeon Marcelo and Justice Secretary Leila de Lima have raised questions about Garcia’s pleading guilty to a lesser offense while the plea bargain was being considered. Garcia should also not have been allowed to post bail because the Sandiganbayan has not yet approved the plea bargain.

A reporter covering the Sandiganbayan said the Solgen’s intervention on the plea bargain would create more complications because even as it awaits approval, the Ombudsman has been proceeding with undue haste.

De Lima has described Garcia’s plea bargain deal as “illegal and unconscionable” and attended by the prosecutors’ “participation, if not collusion…”

Talks have it that a former official of the Arroyo administration who was also a retired military official worked on the Sandiganbayan for Garcia’s freedom. Probably to make sure that Garcia does not spill the beans about those involved in the grand theft and the other beneficiaries of his loot.

Knowing that the Ombudsman is dominated by Arroyo’s people, the much-criticized deal was not really surprising. But Sandiganbayan Presiding Justice Edilberto Sandoval is an appointee of Aquino. Although the deal has still to be approved, the fact that it was allowed at all despite its irregularity raises serious concern.

Truth is on the side of the Filipino people on this Garcia case. The people won’t be very forgiving if Aquino’s legal team bungles this.

By now, after six months in Malacañang, we have to admit that there is so much more that President Aquino will have to do to earn our admiration as the country’s chief executive.

We don’t expect him to master all issues but it is important that he knows how to choose people to help him run the country. He should have an eye for, to borrow a phrase from American journalist David Halberstam, the best and the brightest.

The late President Marcos was gifted with such talent even as he himself was brilliant. There were executives who were not intellectual heavyweights but were honest enough to admit their inadequacies and did the smart thing of hiring the “best and the brightest.” The one that comes to mind is former Ambassador to the US Benjamin Romualdez who tapped the brains and skills of the bright boys in the Department of Foreign Affairs, namely Pacifico Castro, Rodolfo Severino and others.

President Aquino and his Malacañang team are weak in the area of foreign affairs. And the worrisome thing about this is, they don’t seem to realize it. They do not know that they do not know about foreign affairs.

That’s why from the very beginning of his administration, all the President’s actions about the Department of Foreign Affairs showed that he does not give importance to the country’s foreign affairs. If he did, he would not have retained Gloria Arroyo’s foreign secretary.

It cannot be said that he did not know of Romulo’s incompetence because the Union of Foreign Service Officers sent him a letter with details of Romulo’s lack of leadership in the DFA including his boo-boos in international meetings.

It’s public knowledge that Aquino gave weight to his sisters’ pleadings to retain their “Tito Bert” because of the Romulos’ closeness to their family. Romulo also enlisted the help of the Iglesia ni Cristo.

The Aug 23 tragedy and its diplomatic backlash showed the result of an incompetent DFA leadership.

Former Foreign Secretary Roberto Romulo (cousin of the current foreign secretary), who foreign service officers would say was one of the better foreign secretaries together with Domingo Siazon, said in his column in the Philippine Star that the nation has been luckier in Aquino’s economic team.

But, he said, “In our foreign relations, which are so vital to national success in this day and age, initiatives have been scattershot and lacked focus on priorities. Handling of the Nobel Prize issue was inept, unwittingly showing our government as both craven and unprincipled. To date, no road map for foreign policy has been set, only planned trips.”

“There has been too much temporizing on appointments, highlighted by the rumors about who will be the next foreign secretary. The DFA is totally demoralized from being in suspended animation. Ambassadorial appointments have been slow and worse only political ambassadors have been appointed so far.”

Several times, Malacañang officials would assure those who are concerned about lack of direction in foreign relations that Romulo would only be up to December 2010 or at the latest, “January 2011.”

But what do you know, Romulo will stay on. He has convinced Aquino to let him stay. His reason: he has scheduled a number of meetings.

Meetings in foreign affairs are all year round. That means, Romulo will stay in the DFA forever. Foreign service officers who expect reforms and improvement in the conduct of the country’s foreign policy will have to accept that.

A foreign service officer dreads the forthcoming foreign ministers meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Lombok, Indonesia on Jan. 14 and 15. “What dumb thing is he going to say again?,” he wonders.

He said in the last Asean foreign ministers meeting, Romulo asked the Vietnamese ambassador if Vietnam agrees to China’s 9-dash line theory in the South China Sea.

China submitted to the United Nations a map indicating claims of sovereignty which was the whole of the South China Sea which is also claimed partly by the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Taiwan.

That was a stupid question because it’s known among those who follow the SCS issue, which he should, about Vietnam’s position. The DFA source said, the Vietnamese foreign minister told Romulo, “Of course we reject it.”

Vietnam and Malaysia have formally sent to the United Nations written objection to the Chinese nine dash line theory of the South China Sea. Under Romulo’s lack of leadership, the Philippines has not protested formally to the UN about China’s claim which is contrary to its SCS territorial claim.

A foreign affairs official also related one Asean meeting in New York which Romulo chaired. Malaysia submitted a proposal, and Romulo said “Approved.” Indonesia submitted another proposal and Romulo approved it. Then it was Singapore’s turn to submit a proposal and Romulo also approved it.

The Malaysian foreign minister was upset. He asked Romulo, “What’s the position of ASEAN now? You approved all three proposals and they do not espouse the same position.”

The official said, “It was so embarrassing.”

They should brace up for more of that.

Malacañang said the planned high-level Philippine delegation to Hong Kong and Beijing to explain the government’s action on the Aug. 23 tragedy will no longer push through.

The announcement, made by Presidential Spokesperson Edwin Lacierda confirmed what had been talked about in diplomatic circles: the Philippines had been told by China unofficially that they would not welcome the delegation as long as they don’t see anybody being made accountable for the tragedy that killed eight of their people.

Lacierda, who was supposed to be part of the delegation together with Vice President Jejomar Binay and Foreign Secretary Alberto Romulo, said, “The Chinese foreign ministry could not schedule us.”

This comes after the Chinese government also declined three requests by the Philippines for a meeting between Aquino and the Chinese leader in the three international events that the former attended.

Last September, in his first foreign trip to the United States to attend the opening of the 65th United Nations General Assembly, the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) requested for a meeting between President Aquino and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao. The Chinese foreign ministry told the DFA that Wen’s schedule could not accommodate PNoy.

At this time, the report of the Incident Investigation and Review Committee (IIRC) headed by Justice Secretary Leila de Lima had been submitted to Malacañang and the Chinese Embassy in Manila but Aquino said it would be subjected for review by his legal advisers led by Executive Secretary Paquito”Jojo” Ochoa.

When Aquino came back from the U.S., he upheld the recommendations of his legal team which watered down the IIRC recommendation. Interior Undersecretary Rico Puno and former chief of the Philippine National Police Jesus Versoza were cleared of any accountability for the tragedy. Manila Mayor Lim’s accountability was also reduced to an administrative one which up to now has not been implemented.

Another request for a meeting with Wen in Hanoi last October was made where the two leaders would be going for the ASEAN-plus-three summit. Still, the Chinese government declined.

Early this month, the DFA requested for a meeting between Aquino and Chinese President Hu Jintao on the sidelines of the 18th Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Leaders meeting in Yokohama, Japan. No meeting took place.

Aquino, however, was able to meet with Hong Kong Chief Executive Donald Tsang. Communications Secretary Ricky Carandang told members of media that the two leaders discussed the August 23 hostage taking incident and that it was a “productive” meeting.

Carandang did not elaborate what was “productive” about the meeting but added, “We believe that this (Aug 23 incident) will be a closed chapter soon.”

Carandang did not say if Tsang told Aquino that they wanted to see “accountability” in the tragic incident.

The Chinese have demonstrated in all their dealings that they do not forget easily. Unlike Filipinos, they have a long memory.

Why would the Philippines care about China’s displeasure ?

Whenever Aquino is asked about his foreign policy, he would talk about the overseas Filipino workers and the need to strengthen the economy. It could only mean that his main priority in relations with foreign countries is to protect the OFWs whose $18 billion remittances have become the pillar that holds the country’s economy.

Aquino should be made to understand that international relations is a complex web of inter-related interests. He cannot bungle in one issue involving a foreign country, gloss over it, and expect it to fade away.

In the same way, economic relations cannot be be pursued vigorously without consideration of lingering political issues and sensitivity to cultural values.

China is now an economic superpower. The Chinese are masters in the art of being inscrutable. It would be wise for the Philippines, for its own interest, not to take the Chinese snub lightly.

In his complaint relayed personally during the APEC summit to leaders of countries that issued a travel advisory warning their citizens about going to the Philippines, President Aquino mentioned about the November 15 launching of a new tourism logo.

Less than 24 hours after “Pilipinas kay Ganda” was previewed (it was not yet the launching, Tourism Secretary Alberto Lim stressed) the accompanying site - www.beautifulpilipinas.com -was taken down because they found out that there’s an existing porn website also using the key words “beautifulpilipinas.”

Why they didn’t find this out before the preview defies common sense.

Tourism Undersecretary Vicente Romano said they have created a new website – www.tourismphilippines.com – to promote the P100 million new Philippine tourism brand that they have created.

Anton Diaz of Awesome Planet website, who was at last Monday’s preview said, “It does not help that Beautiful Pilipinas is a double-edged branding that promotes the natural beauty of the Philippines but also insinuates we have Beautiful Filipinas (which is a porn site if you look online).”

He pointed out that during last Monday’s launch, “the Pretty Young Thing group performed a sexy number for the representatives of the international community. It was not appropriate and it gave a totally wrong mental image about the campaign.”

It would do well for DOT to heed his suggestion: “Let’s use our world-class talents like Lea Salonga, Arnel Pineda, Charice Pempengco and others to launch the campaign.”

I was able to browse through the site Monday night before it was taken down and was horrified by the inferior quality of the articles. The writing is atrocious, the grammar, bad. Take this opening article: "The Philippines; being an archipelago, offers countless of destinations to see, adventures to experience and activities to do. The country is blessed with a rich environment…"

I was not able to copy the full text before it was taken down. It’s a good thing Dennis Garcia, musician and advertising executive, pasted a portion of it on his Facebook wall. Dennis said, “I would love to meet the writer of these classic lines and finance his/her writing workshop with John Silva. Para nyo nang awa…”

There were so many senseless phrases I noticed in the short time that I browsed through the pages online. New media expert Carlo Ople also noticed a number of them. He asked, “What does ‘Feast your Plate’ mean? “

Cebu-based tour guide Bino Guerrero said whoever wrote the section on Cebu does not know Cebu because it said, “You will also see cliffs that tower above crashing surfs, virgin forests, clear rivers, mossy jungles, and cool mountain ridges.”

Guerrero asked, “Where in Cebu can you find it?

In an article about Cebu’s nightlife, it mentioned Ayala Mall. Doesn’t the writer know that malls close at the latest, 9p.m.?

Romano said they were short of time for last Monday’s event and his writers just lifted from past brochures and travel articles. He said after reading the comments, they will have to revise the whole website. Meanwhile, he said, they will revert to the old promotional materials.

As to the use of Tagalog to attract non-Tagalog speaking foreigners to come to the country, Romano said they tested the phrase “Pilipinas Kay Ganda” to foreigners and the reactions were good. He said by using a Tagalog phrase, the Philippine promotion would be different from that of other Asian countries like “Amazing Thailand”, Malaysia’s “Truly Asia” and others.

Secretary Lim, in his speech during the preview, revealed that the Pilipinas Kay Ganda brand is a result of a four-month study. “It is relevant, distinctive and believable. It extols our innermost beauty, and not just of our destinations, but also of our people and everything else that we do. It is something that we can distinctively claim, and every foreigner who has visited our shores will attest to it. It is also relevant and appealing to a market constantly searching for a more beautiful place and experience,” he said.

There is no question about the merits of extolling the beauty of the Philippines. It is the mediocre presentation that the critics are harping about. Dennis Garcia captured the sentiments of many of us who care for this country on his Facebook page: “Somebody asked me why I’m wasting time, fussing about DOT’s ‘harmless’ slogan and feeble communications thrust. Three answers: 1) I have no tolerance for mediocrity, 2) My high expectations for the President are being eroded by idiots working for him, and 3) most important..I give a damn, it’s my country.”

President Aquino made a hasty turn- around after he announced in a live TV interview Thursday that he was transferring Interior Secretary Jesse Robredo to the still to be created Presidential Commission for the Urban Poor.

He has to have a scapegoat and the most convenient for him now is media. He said media misunderstood what he said to Ted Failon. “Mali ang pagkakaintindi,” he said.

Failon asked him what happens now to the three Cabinet members who are in “acting” capacity since Congress will be resuming session soon and the Commission on Appointments would be able to deliberate on his appointees. This was his answer: “Sa DILG naman po, baka imando natin sa iba pang ahensya kung saka-sakali. Wala pa pong planong maliwanag. Si Sec. Robredo maganda po ang ginagawang trabaho ngayon pero meron po tayong gustong i-fast track na mga programa tulad sa informal settlers na talagang expertise ho niya. So baka magtayo tayo ng bagong grupo na talagang tutulong sa Presidential Commission on the Urban Poor at mga shelter agencies natin na mas focused and mas realizeable tulad noong sa Lupang Arenda, daang libo ang nasa danger.”

Less than 24 hours after that live interview, Aquino issued a statement that “he will stay in his present position for the meantime. No plans of transferring him anywhere.”

He further said, “Yung possibility of asking him (Robredo) to do that as a head of a coordinating agency for all the various agencies involved, yung housing, yung Presidential Commission for the Urban Poor, etcetera, is far from saying that he is already getting that post.”

Aquino can blame media all he wants but it does not erase the fact that he made a turn-around. Why?

Our usual sources said a number of his supporters were alarmed by the thought that the likes of Robredo, who they look up to as the epitome of a competent, upright government official, are incompatible with the President whom they helped elect believing in his campaign promise of reforms in governance. They took to heart his “matuwid na daan” slogan.

They immediately found a way to communicate their concern to him and “knocked some sense into him.”

Their concern is best expressed by Solita Monsod in her column in the Inquirer. Monsod, in her open letter to Aquino entitled, “How can you not want Robredo” wrote:” Which is why I am now asking you—on bended knee, if you wish—to reconsider your decision to replace Jesse Robredo as head of the Department of the Interior and Local Government. I am asking not because I want to help Jesse—he can take care of himself and will not suffer from any lack of alternative and certainly much more lucrative employment in the private sector. I am asking because I want to help you succeed in tackling poverty through honest and effective governance. And kicking Jesse out—or up, as the case may be—will be a major, major step backward for you and for the country.”

Monsod’s final appeal: “Mr. President, in your appointments, you have accommodated friends and classmates. I ask you now to accommodate the Philippines. Keep Jesse.”

Robredo was in Davao last Thursday and upon hearing Aquino’s statement he discussed with his supporters whether it was worth staying on.

Aquino has said that his differences with Robredo, who was one of the last to be named to the Cabinet, stemmed from their working style. He said he did not like it that during the campaign Robredo, who was in charge of provincial sorties, would arrange as many as 20 meetings for him in a day leaving him no time to rest.

Aquino several times expressed the desire to remove Robredo from the Department of Interior and Local Government. He had wanted the recently retired Philippine National Police Chief Jesus Verzosa for the position.

Versoza as DILG chief with Rico E. Puno as undersecretary was Aquino’s dream team for the department that supervises local government and peace and order. By a strange twist of fate, the Aug. 23 hostage crisis happened. Plus the jueteng exposé of retired Archbishop Oscar Cruz that zeroed in on Puno and Versoza as the recipients of multi-million peso monthly payolas.

When the Senate was conducting a hearing on jueteng, Aquino was in the United States. He was fed the information that Robredo had a hand in Bishop Cruz’ exposé. A source said Aquino was overheard saying that he would take Robredo out of the DILG when he returns to Manila.

In his meeting with the members of the Incident Investigation Review Committee (IIRC) that investigated the August 23 hostage tragedy, he remarked that if Puno would be charged, Robredo should also be charged.

The IIRC members were aghast because Aquino himself, in public statements, had cleared Robredo of responsibility in the hostage crisis because he had designated Puno in charge of the PNP. In the end, Puno was cleared.

A source close to Robredo said his decision to stay on is a response to the appeal of several civil society groups whose frustration level with Aquino’s governance is increasing.

It also has something to do with the battle of the “Balay” and “Samar” factions in the Aquino administration. Robredo belongs to the “Balay” group and they would not want to give control of the department that supervises local government to the other group.

Will somebody please give Mai Mislang, the “hardworking and trusted” speechwriter of President Aquino, according to her boss Secretary Ricky Carandang of the Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office, a copy of guidelines on social media.

The ones available on the Internet are by the U.S. National Public Radio and the Los Angeles Times.

The guidelines have been issued in the advent of what is now called social media (Facebook and Twitter are the most popular) where the line between private and public statements is blurred.

This part from the NPR guidelines should be underlined for Mislang: “Recognize that everything you write or receive on a social media site is public. Anyone with access to the web can get access to your activity on social media sites. And regardless of how careful you are in trying to keep them separate, in your online activity, your professional life and your personal life overlap.”

This should also be relevant to Mislang: “You should conduct yourself in social media forums with an eye to how your behavior or comments might appear if we were called upon to defend them as a news organization (in her case Office of the President). In other words, don’t behave any differently online than you would in any other public setting.”

This is the part from LA Times that should also be underlined for Mislang: “ Assume that your professional life and your personal life will merge online regardless of your care in separating them.

“Even if you use privacy tools (determining who can view your page or profile, for instance), assume that everything you write, exchange or receive on a social media site is public.”

Mislang suddenly became infamous last Thursday, when as a member of presidential delegation to Hanoi (for a state visit and the 17th Asean summit), she attended a state dinner and tweeted her boss, Carandang that “the wine sucks.”



Carandang didn’t see anything wrong with the disrespectful comments and even asked which one, white or red wine. Mislang’s reply:”Red, the white is fine.” (A DFA source the wine was Chilean, not Vietnamese.)

Mislang’s disparage of her host didn’t end there. She also tweeted, “Sorry pero walang pogi dito.” (Sorry, there are no handsome men here.)

The tweet on the motorcycles (“Crossing the speedy motorcycle laden streets of Hanoi is one of the easiest ways to die.”) is not as offensive as the other two.

In all these tweets, she put the hashtag ”Vietnam”, which means it is grouped by twitter in tweets about Vietnam. That’s how Mislang, inadvertently perhaps, further internationalized her insults to Vietnam, that went all out to extend courtesy and kindness to the Philippine delegation despite a last minute change of dates of Aquino’s state visit.

A DFA source said the news on Mislang’s blunder was carried by a number of Vietnamese online sites. But the government has “decently kept quiet” which magnified all the more the lack of it by a member of the Philippine delegation.

Mislang has issued an apology through Carandang and a colleague in the communication office, Manolo Quezon. “I apologize for my comments. If I offended anybody, please know that was never the intention. I feel extremely blessed to be in a beautiful country blessed with warm hospitable people,” she was quoted to have said. She had removed her twitter account and I can’t find her Facebook account anymore.

Her apology smacks of hypocrisy. I’m not at all surprised that this happened because this is not the first time that Mislang made nasty remarks in twitter. During the election campaign, she tweeted while watching ANC’s “Strictly Politics” that then AFP Chief of Staff Delfin Bangit, who was talking about measures the military was doing to make sure that there would be peaceful and orderly elections, was “pangit” (ugly). It was an early manifestation of immaturity and conceit, that became even more bloated in Malacañang environment.

A reporter friend said she had come across tweets by Mislang about the president calling her up to edit his speech while she was on the treadmill or buying make up.

She must be overwhelmed by the power that comes with being a part of the president’s “think thank” she forgot that as a ghost writer, she was supposed to be a “ghost” and not to be known as being responsible, even partly, for what Aquino is saying in public.

Mislang’s comments betray her ignorance about many things and snooty attitude towards other people. That is evident in her lack of appreciation of Vietnam’s history and remarkable rise from the ashes of war. Vietnam is the only “small country” in Asia that can hold its head high against colonial powers. The Vietnamese defeated and drove away the French in 1954 and the Americans in 1975. Today, Vietnam is performing better than the Philippines in terms of attracting foreign investment.

Despite the boo-boo, Mislang is secure in her Malacañang position. As Carandang said, he is “trusted” by Aquino. She has been with Aquino since his Senate days.

Besides, if Aquino protected Rico Puno and kept him as undersecretary in the Department of Interior and Local Government and didn’t do anything to sanction former Philippine national Police Chief Jesus Versoza (don’t be surprised if he is resurrected as ambassador ) despite the embarrassment their incompetence caused the country in the August 23 tragedy , what’s Mislang’s Vietnam- bashing tweets?

As Carandang said, “It’s a minor incident.”